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From: Owen Oke <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date: Tue, 27 Nov 2001 22:16:52 -0800 (PST)
To: American Muslims <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: [AM] US bullying us into war with Iraq

Americans want a war on Iraq and we can't
stop them 

Bush is looking for the next
target and his country is right
behind him 

Hugo Young 
Tuesday November 27, 2001
The Guardian 

President Bush's prime purpose now is
gearing up America for a wider war. "It's
not over. It's not over," he told
Newsweek, concerned that the people
might think otherwise. "Afghanistan is just
the beginning," he roared to an audience of
soldiers at Fort Campbell, Kentucky.
"America has a message for the nations of
the world. If you feed a terrorist or fund a
terrorist, you're a terrorist."

In Newsweek, he amplified this with
reference to one man. "Saddam is evil," he
declared for the first time. It could take
years to catch Osama bin Laden, he
allowed. But many other targets are now
on notice of merciless aggression.

You do not hear a single word of similar
intensity from any European leader. Even
Tony Blair, while regularly reinvoking the
global campaign against terror, seldom
talks about the enemy with Bush's
slavering passion for specific eliminations.
The president is mobilising an American
national will such as we have not recently
seen. 

During the cold war it was unquestioning,
but static. During Vietnam, it disintegrated.
Now the enemy, though invisible, is
unmistakable, and the national stirring is
deep against him. For the first time, the US
was attacked: for the first time, the US
doesn't mind if casualties are taken in the
name of vengeance or self-protection. For
the first time, therefore, public opinion is
unambiguously ready to come in behind
whatever intervention a president decides
he must propose. 

One proof of this is what encroachments
on their liberties Americans are willing to
put up with. Protests against the repressive
gospel according to the attorney general,
John Ashcroft, are few and far between. A
country that guards its constitutional
freedoms with meticulous passion is
prepared to surrender them with pious
indifference. So easy is such submission to
raison d'?tat that the quiet torture of
recalcitrant suspects surely cannot be far
behind. 

Europeans should reflect on this as a
measure of the hard-eyed national
commitment that differentiates the
American mood from that of any other
country. This, rather than the diplomatic
niceties of coalition building, will mainly
determine what happens next.

Though a division over policy is not yet
visible among the allies, the gulf of
perception seems likely to become
significant. The temper of the times will
remain sternly hot in the US while, barring
more terrorism, it eventually cools in
Europe. Far from this campaign yielding a
new concert of civilised nations, it will
emphasise the deafening control of the
trumpeter and conductor. The British
piccolo, in particular, will find it harder to
be heard. The band continues to play in
rough harmony, but only on condition that
it follows the unilateral beat of the big bass
drum. 

In three theatres, you can see this starting
to happen. Afghanistan itself has become
an American operation. Sure, they needed
allies in all adjoining countries, and worked
to get them. There's been a huge amount
of transatlantic traffic. When aspiring
partners, from Italy to Japan, thirsted to
get in on the action and prove their manly
commitment, they were nominally
accepted, their troops probably never to be
used. When even the German Greens, at
the weekend, voted to take part, a Rubicon
of lasting importance to Germany and
Europe was crossed.

But Washington remains in unimpeded
charge. Behind coalitionist talk, that's how
they want it. They speak, moreover, for a
different aftermath. Again the verbiage
tries to soften this. But when Mr Blair talks
about rebuilding Afghanistan and not
forgetting it in the peace, it's plain he is
sincere whereas Bush's people mouth the
words and do not really mean them.

There's nothing wrong with
nation-building, but not when it's done by
the American military," said Condoleezza
Rice not long ago, speaking as the
president's closest foreign policy aide.
Though Washington is pledged to a large
chunk of the $10bn aid Kabul has been
promised, it's unlikely to stay and oversee
the maintenance of a stable, semi-decent
regime to spend it. That's not what the
new Bush doctrine, a results-oriented,
short-vision construct, is all about.

Second, the world itself will not, I now
guess, benefit from a new internationalism.
After September 11, many of us wrote
optimistically otherwise. A unilateral
foreign policy was surely dead and buried.
When it comes to collaborating against
terror, that may remain so. Washington's
withdrawal from the Middle East peace
process is also no longer an option. But the
other litmus tests seem likely to be failed.

Swift smashing of the Taliban can't
plausibly be seen as a platform for
reneging on Republican hostility to either
the comprehensive test ban treaty or the
international criminal court. On the
contrary. Seen from Washington, what's
being achieved is, among other things, the
triumph of an American view of the world
that can now be amplified elsewhere.

Third, and most delicately, comes Bush's
promise that Afghanistan is not the end but
the beginning. Again, many countries are
signed up to that. Organised commitment
to strangle the finances of terrorism should
make a difference. But a choice presents
itself, in which it's clear where every EU
country, not to mention Russia and most of
the Middle East, stands: on the slow road
of economic and diplomatic action, rather
than the fast track of bulldog threats
followed by instant bombing.

Though Iraq may not be the first place that
comes under fire, it's by far the most
sensitive, and now the president, talking to
Newsweek, gives Saddam his warning: let
the UN arms-inspectors back in, or face
the consequences. 

The American mood will tolerate this,
perhaps demand it. Not long ago,
speculation about the Iraqi option was
linked to an anxious need for
incontrovertible proof of al-Qaida
connections. Now, the test is becoming
looser. What looks like a speedy victory in
Afghanistan is galvanising US ambitions to
be the world's super-enforcer, whatever
the problems, for a global cause
Americans believe in more clearly than
they've believed in anything since the
second world war. It's hard to identify a
single voice that might be loud enough to
stop it. 

Least of all Tony Blair's. Though Mr Blair
has done a good job as a major builder of
the coalition, is it credible that he will count
for more than the deep-throated thunder
from of the Republican right, smarting with
rage to complete the job Bush's father
failed to do on Saddam? Most Europeans
know which side they're on after the
criminal obscenity of September 11. But as
time passes, they're drawn ineluctably into
a campaign over which they will have ever
less influence. 

Their support is an essential token, and
their networks are vital to the political and
economic effort. But when it comes to
calling the shots, Washington cannot be
denied, at least by Britain. It's impossible
to write the speech one could believe Blair
might give to defend his withdrawal of
support. Maybe he wouldn't want to. But,
helplessly drawn along, we will not walk
taller in the world.


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