5) Venezuela: The Specter of Counter-Revolution
by wwnews
6) Cuban 5: Their Crime? Monitoring Terrorists
by wwnews
7) Eyewitness: "Police Staged a Riot"
by wwnews
From: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> (wwnews)
Date: torstai 13. joulukuu 2001 06:36
Subject: [WW] Venezuela: The Specter of Counter-Revolution
-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the Dec. 20, 2001
issue of Workers World newspaper
-------------------------
VENEZUELA: THE SPECTER OF COUNTER-REVOLUTION
By Andy McInerney
The democratic revolution led by Venezuelan President Hugo
Chavez faced its first serious challenge on Dec. 10. Bosses
around the country staged a lockout, shutting thousands of
businesses around the country, to protest Chavez 's new
economic policies favoring Venezuela's poor and working
classes.
The 12-hour action passed without major incident. But it
raises urgent questions for all partisans of the working
class. The traditional Venezuelan elite--the bosses,
landlords and U.S. lackeys--is now openly organizing to
destabilize the Chavez government.
Workers in the United States and around the world need to
stand shoulder to shoulder with their Venezuelan sisters and
brothers against the U.S. government and the old Venezuelan
ruling class's efforts to roll back the process unleashed by
Chavez's election in 1998.
CHAVEZ OPENS POLITICAL SPACE
The 1998 election of Hugo Chavez, a former junior officer in
the Venezuelan military, represented a massive rejection of
the corruption of the traditional political elite in the oil-
rich South American country. Chavez had led an unsuccessful
coup attempt in 1992 in solidarity with a movement against
price hikes.
During the first years of Chavez's presidency, the new
government--a coalition of progressive military officers and
leftist parties--broke the back of the old political system.
It instituted a new constitution and a new National
Constituent Assembly to give voice to millions of Venezuelan
poor and oppressed traditionally excluded from politics.
Although Venezuela is an oil-rich country--it was the
largest supplier of oil to the United States at the time of
Chavez's election--80 percent of the population lives in
poverty. One percent of the population owns 60 percent of
the country's land.
Beginning in June, the Chavez government began what one
leader called a "thrust toward the economy." A high priority
was a new land law, announced in September, aimed at
expropriating idle land from absentee landlords.
In November, Chavez employed special powers granted to him
by the parliament to sign 49 economic laws, including the
land law and other measures aimed at strengthening state
control over oil, land, fishing and other key sectors of the
economy.
These are the measures that pushed the country's former
elite--out of political power but not expropriated--from
grumbling to active opposition.
A LOCKOUT--NOT A STRIKE
In order to protest the economic measures, the country's
largest bosses' federation, Fedecamaras, called for
companies to shut their doors for 12 hours on Dec. 10. The
bosses' group claimed that thousands of businesses closed
for the day.
The business federation employs 8 million workers out of the
country's workforce of 11 million and population of 24
million.
Although the bosses' action was widely portrayed as a
"strike," most workers were not given the opportunity to
express their support or opposition to the action. A move by
bosses to shut their doors to the workers is not known as a
strike--it is a lockout.
The business leaders and their backers in the former
political establishment made much out of the endorsement by
the Venezuelan Workers Federation (CTV), the country's
largest official union group. But with the endorsement, CTV
leaders exposed their utter bankruptcy, tailing behind the
bosses against the Chavez government.
The CTV leadership is historically tied to the Democratic
Action (AD) party, one of the two traditional parties of
Venezuela's elite. Since Chavez's election, workers have
been organizing to break the corrupt leadership's hold on
the union.
Despite the backing of the CTV--which represents only the
more privileged workers, less than 10 percent of the total
workforce--no class-conscious worker should have any
illusions about the Dec. 10 action. When the bosses
organize, it is only in their own interests--and against the
interests of the working class.
CHAVEZ MOBILIZES THE MASSES
Despite the mobilization, Chavez maintained a firm position
in support of the economic reforms.
On Dec. 11, the French News Agency AFP quoted Chavez saying
that if the elites opposed the new laws, "that merely
indicates that they must be enacted--and quickly."
"If an extreme situation develops," Chavez warned on the eve
of the strike, "if the leadership, this privileged minority,
try to alter the democratic process, I will have no choice
but to come down hard...I won't hesitate."
"Nobody, and nothing, will stop this revolution."
In fact, despite the Dec. 10 lockout, the only mass
mobilizations in the capital city of Caracas were in support
of the Chavez government. Some 30,000 peasants and other
Chavez supporters rallied in Caracas as Chavez defended the
land law.
"I'm here to defend Chavez and the revolution," street
vendor Anabel Cortez told the Dec. 11 AP. "They're selling
out the country. The poor, the peasants, the dispossessed,
we love Chavez."
"They want to stop the revolution," Manuel Huerta told the
New York Times. "Fedecamaras never supported the workers.
They support the entrepreneurial elite."
Police also prevented pro-Chavez demonstrators from
ransacking the bosses' Fedecamaras headquarters.
In another display of support, the Venezuelan military
changed their annual air force day celebration from an air
base to Caracas. The display of support was significant
because the elite has attempted to foster support for a coup
against Chavez.
CLASS AGAINST CLASS
The Dec. 10 bosses' action marks an important step in the
process underway in Venezuela that was opened up by Chavez's
election. The stakes in this process go far beyond the fate
of any individual political leader.
Since 1998, the country's ruling class maintained a cautious
attitude toward Chavez. The factory owners and landlords
counted on the fact that as long as Chavez restricted
himself to rhetorical attacks, their power was safe. They
clearly hoped that the government's inability to solve the
grinding poverty of the masses of Venezuelans would wear
down Chavez's tremendous popular support.
But now the Chavez government has crossed a line: it is
aiming at restricting the ruling classes private property
rights. And the exploiting classes will spare no expense to
defend their right to exploit property.
For the first time, the political process that Chavez calls
the "Bolivarian revolution" has gone beyond the borders of
bourgeois democracy. The fact that his movement has dared to
cross the ruling class's "sacred right" to exploit property
for their own private gain has generated an open struggle
pitting the propertied class against the class without
property.
What will be the attitude of the popular forces--the
workers, peasants, students, unemployed who are anxious to
take advantage of the Chavez movement to press their class
gains?
Chavez took the reigns of government after an election--not
after a revolution. That presents a practical problem: the
workers and peasants have not developed the struggle-tested
organs of popular power--councils, strike committees, picket
defense guards--that are the surest defense against
counterrevolution.
There is every indication that the forces closest to Chavez
are trying to organize such committees. The announcement in
June of "Bolivarian circles"--local committees entrusted to
defend the gains of the Chavez movement--is a first step in
that direction.
THE ROLE OF THE U.S.
The attitude of the ruling class in Venezuela mirrors the
attitude of the U.S. government toward the Venezuelan
presidency. In early November, the Bush administration
recalled its ambassador to Venezuela for a "high-level
review" of its policies toward Caracas following Chavez's
criticism of the U.S. bombing of Afghanistan.
The growing arrogance of the capitalist class in Venezuela
bears an eerie resemblance to the CIA-backed movement that
deposed and assassinated the democratically elected
president of Chile, Salvador Allende, in 1973.
Key to that right-wing campaign was the image of a "popular
movement" against Allende based on business owners and
middle-class elements.
Decades later, the CIA and U.S. copper corporations' covert
involvement in that rightist movement became well known. At
the time, the U.S. government claimed it was a "spontaneous"
movement.
As the struggle sharpens in Venezuela, the progressive
movement in the U.S. must demand that the government reveal
all its files on covert operations to destabilize the Chavez
government.
- END -
(Copyright Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to
copy and distribute verbatim copies of this document, but
changing it is not allowed. For more information contact
Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY, NY 10011; via e-mail:
[EMAIL PROTECTED] For subscription info send message to:
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From: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> (wwnews)
Date: torstai 13. joulukuu 2001 06:36
Subject: [WW] Cuban 5: Their Crime? Monitoring Terrorists
-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the Dec. 20, 2001
issue of Workers World newspaper
-------------------------
THEIR CRIME? MONITORING TERRORISTS: CUBAN 5 FACE
STIFF SENTENCES IN IMPERIALIST COURT
By Gloria La Riva
Miami
[Editor's note: On Dec. 12, Federal Judge Joan Lenard
sentenced Cuban patriot Gerardo Hernandez to two consecutive
life terms plus 80 months. The following article was written
before the sentencing began.]
The case of five Cuban political prisoners in the U.S.
reached a critical stage as their sentencing hearings opened
on Dec. 10 in federal district court here.
Gerardo Hernandez, Ramon Labanino, Antonio Guerrero, Ren�
Gonzalez and Fernando Gonzalez were unjustly convicted by
the U.S. government in June for defending their country from
right-wing terrorist groups based in Miami.
Although charged with espionage against the United States,
the Cubans showed in trial that they were only monitoring
the actions of notorious terrorist groups that have operated
with impunity for more than 43 years from U.S. soil.
Organizations like Omega 7, Alpha 66, Cuban American
National Foundation and Brothers to the Rescue are
responsible for a long history of assassinations, bombing of
airplanes and biological warfare against Cuba and its
people. Since the triumph of the revolution in 1959, the CIA
has actively trained, funded, directed and sustained these
fascist elements as part of the longstanding U.S. war
against Cuba.
Instead of trying and imprisoning the terrorists, the U.S.
government has conducted an aggressive campaign against
Cubans who have infiltrated the Miami groups with the aim of
preventing future terrorist acts against their country.
After a two-year-long FBI secret investigation, the five men
were arrested before dawn on Sept. 12, 1998, in the Miami
area.
As the old federal courthouse in downtown Miami opened for
the sentencing phase, spectators knew they were witnessing
an extraordinary injustice against the five Cuban patriots,
who are very likely to receive long prison terms despite
having committed no crime, and in fact acting selflessly and
heroically.
In Cuba, where they are known simply as Ram�n, Gerardo,
Fernando, Ren� and Antonio, the five are highly regarded as
heroes who defended their people by taking on the dangerous
duty of infiltrating the terrorist groups in Miami. Their
struggle has been covered extensively by the Cuban media.
Since their conviction in June, mass rallies held every
Saturday have demanded their freedom.
FAMILY MEMBERS FLY IN FROM CUBA
The first day's court session on Dec. 10 addressed the
common issues facing all five defendants. On subsequent days
each Cuban will receive his individual sentence. Hernandez
will be sentenced first; Antonio Guerrero's case will be
heard on Dec. 27.
The mothers of four of the Cubans were present in court,
having flown in from Cuba to support their sons. Ren�
Gonzalez's 16-year-old daughter, Irma, also came. But in an
act of cruel insensitivity, the U.S. government granted
Ram�n Labanino's wife Elizabeth an entry visa to the U.S. to
start two days after he is sentenced. Labanino's mother is
deceased.
The initial discussions focused on the defense attorneys'
request that Judge Joan Lenard consider mitigating factors
and lessen the sentences of the five. It was an extremely
technical exchange of legal arguments between defense and
prosecutors revolving around federal guidelines for
sentencing. All face a possibility of 10 years for "failure
to register as a foreign agent."
Gerardo Hernandez, Ram�n Labanino and Antonio Guerrero also
face possible life in prison for "conspiracy to commit
espionage," although the government failed during trial to
prove any conspiracy or espionage against the U.S. At one
point, William Norris, attorney for Labanino, raised again
his objection to the government's use of secret evidence to
convict on conspiracy. Norris said, "We don't know what the
top secrets are, or how the government arrived at its
secrecy."
Hernandez faces a second life sentence for an even more
outrageous charge of "conspiracy to commit murder," related
to the deaths of four "Brothers to the Rescue" pilots who
invaded Cuban airspace in February 1996 and were shot down
by Cuba. Despite numerous warnings by the Cuban government,
which officially notified the U.S. about the continued
violation of its territory, "Brothers" refused to stop their
incursions until Cuba shot down the plane.
Hernandez was convicted for conspiracy in their deaths
because he monitored "Brothers to the Rescue." However, it
was well known and documented that the Cuban government
intended to act decisively that day if "Brothers" went
through with its announced plans to violate Cuban air space.
THEY MONITORED KNOWN TERRORISTS
Joaquin Mendez, attorney for Fernando Gonzalez, gave the
main arguments for the reduction of sentence. He cited legal
provisions that allow for "downward departure" if a
defendant commits an act "to prevent a greater harm. That's
the general principle with respect to all our defendants."
He showed, for example, that Fernando Gonzalez was "indeed
involved in keeping an eye on activities of persons who have
engaged in acts of violence against Cuba and Cuba's
leaders," and cited the case of Orlando Bosch as one of
those persons whom Gonzalez was monitoring.
Bosch, an infamous CIA operative, was imprisoned in
Venezuela for the bombing deaths of 73 civilian passengers
on a Cubana airlines flight on Oct. 6, 1976. He was
released, reportedly after pressure from U.S. Ambassador
Otto Reich, who is now a Bush nominee for assistant
secretary of state for the Western Hemisphere. Bosch then
entered the U.S. illegally.
When the Justice Department acted to deport him for his
heinous crimes, saying that the bombing of the Cuban
airliner had been "under the direction of Bosch," the senior
George Bush--a former director of the CIA--signed a
presidential pardon in 1990. Bosch has lived freely in Miami
ever since.
Later in the three-hour hearing, attorneys for the five
asked the court to take into account the 18 months that the
Cubans spent in the Security Housing Unit (SHU), notorious
isolation cells that are now common in many U.S. prisons.
Again, Mendez was hard-hitting in his description of the
cell's inherent cruelty and the injustice of the men being
relegated to the "hole" for absolutely no reason. He
emphasized that in three years of Miami detention, the five
had never been accused of causing any problem to warrant
isolation.
"They were in cells three meters long and two meters wide,
no company, no contact with the outside world," said Mendez.
To U.S. prosecutor John Kastrenake's arrogant claim that no
psychological or physical injury was caused by the SHU,
Mendez responded, "They spent 18 months in solitary
confinement. You don't touch anyone. You can't put your
daughter on your lap, you speak through plexiglass one inch
thick. Eighteen months without the warmth of human contact.
Do we need an affidavit to show these conditions are
deplorable?"
The five had been convicted based on an aggressive U.S.
government persecution and secret "evidence" that could
never be challenged, the refusal of the judge to allow for a
change of venue, and other legal violations.
Throughout their imprisonment, trial and now sentencing,
they have held their heads high. They express complete
solidarity with each other and regard each other as
brothers. As they walked into court together for the first
time, they smiled warmly to their mothers and supporters in
the front rows.
At the end of the first session, after Judge Lenard had
reviewed the procedure for sentencing in the coming days,
she asked each Cuban if he wanted to attend the others'
hearings. They all said yes without hesitation.
Their fearless conduct has conveyed a clear message. They
have nothing to regret, nothing to renounce. With belief in
their revolution so strong they would defend it in the most
reactionary circles in Miami, with the unwavering support of
the entire Cuban people and leadership, and with the
solidarity they are inspiring in the U.S., Ram�n, Gerardo,
Fernando, Ren� and Antonio are bound to some day win
justice.
[Gloria La Riva and photojournalist Bill Hackwell are in
Miami to show solidarity with the Cuban patriots during
their sentencing. They are representing the National
Committee to Free the Five Cuban Political Prisoners Held in
U.S. Prison, which has initiated a nationwide campaign to
spread awareness of their struggle and to organize political
support for their freedom. For information on how to get
involved, contact: [EMAIL PROTECTED]]
- END -
(Copyright Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to
copy and distribute verbatim copies of this document, but
changing it is not allowed. For more information contact
Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY, NY 10011; via e-mail:
[EMAIL PROTECTED] For subscription info send message to:
[EMAIL PROTECTED] Web: http://www.workers.org)
From: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> (wwnews)
Date: torstai 13. joulukuu 2001 06:36
Subject: [WW] Eyewitness: "Police Staged a Riot"
-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the Dec. 20, 2001
issue of Workers World newspaper
-------------------------
EYEWITNESS STATEMENT: "POLICE STAGED A RIOT"
[The following is excerpted from a statement from one of the
protesters arrested Dec. 8 at the march in support of Mumia
Abu-Jamal in Philadelphia.]
My name is Tristan Ahtone from the American Indian Movement.
On Dec. 8 I attended the demonstration marking the 20th
anniversary of Mumia Abu-Jamal's wrongful arrest. During the
demonstration, police staged a riot against the protesters
and I and eight others were arrested for participating in
the defense of the people targeted for exercising their
constitutional right to free speech.
The peaceful march and ensuing riot began when police
targeted marchers for unknown reasons. I was marching at the
front of the demonstration when I saw police running from
the front of the street toward the back of the march. I
began running with them to find out what had happened to
mobilize against the police who were attacking and beating
the people.
Upon my arrival at the scene of the first arrest, the police
already had one man on the ground at gunpoint, and
protesters had encircled the police yelling, "Shame" and,
"Let him go." Very quickly afterward the police had grouped
together and had begun their attempt to disperse protesters
by pushing, shoving and threatening.
I was at the front lines when the police began to shove a
reporter from the Philadelphia independent media. When they
began to gang up on him I jumped into the group of police to
stop them. Shortly thereafter my face was pushed into the
concrete and four to five cops held me down, handcuffed me,
and then used their nightsticks to lift me off the ground
and take me from the scene.
Once they took me to the [police] wagon I realized that the
police had planned to incite a riot when I saw rows of
police cars, vans and bikes already parked and blocking the
streets. This was within minutes of the first person being
arrested.
There were two people in the police van already, and the
rest of the arrested freedom fighters trickled in a few
minutes later. One of those arrested was a priest who had a
heart condition and had to be taken out of the van to a
hospital when he began to have signs of a heart attack. [Of]
the two women arrested [one] suffered a dislocated jaw and
[one suffered] a broken tailbone.
Hours later I was finally read my rights and charged with
the crime of inciting a riot. While sitting in the cell I
overheard the police talking about rounding up and arresting
more people that were connected with protest; the only name
I heard was Pam Africa. A few hours afterward I was told
charges were dropped and I would be free to go.
The priest was let go without charges also, and the rest had
charges ranging from inciting a riot to assaulting a woman.
Those men and women ... did nothing more than stand up for
what they believed in and voice what they had to say;
unfortunately they have become victims of police brutality,
known all too well by the people of Philadelphia. They have
now joined the ranks of hundreds of other political
prisoners within the "free wall" of a country built on
stolen lands, the attempted genocide of my people, and the
backs of African slave labor, known as Amerikkka.
- END -
(Copyright Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to
copy and distribute verbatim copies of this document, but
changing it is not allowed. For more information contact
Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY, NY 10011; via e-mail:
[EMAIL PROTECTED] For subscription info send message to:
[EMAIL PROTECTED] Web: http://www.workers.org)
