From: "Macdonald Stainsby" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
[EMAIL PROTECTED]>

Subject: [L-I] Kashmir's Islamic Guerrillas See Little to Fear From U.S

December 24, 2001

PAKISTAN
Kashmir's Islamic Guerrillas See Little to Fear From U.S.
By JOHN F. BURNS

MURIDKE, Pakistan, Dec. 23 - The signboard has disappeared now, gone from
the clutter of brightly painted ads for American soft drinks and tire
vulcanizers and the merchants who live off the traffic that thunders down
the Grand Trunk Road, which starts on the Afghan border 400 miles from here
and ends 1,000 miles away, in Calcutta.
The town of Muridke was never much more than a dusty way-station on the
strategic highway built when Pakistan and India were part of British-ruled
India. If the town has had a claim on the consciousness of 140 million
Pakistanis, it lay in the missing sign, for an Islamic militant organization
known in English as the Army of the Pure, in Urdu as Lashkar-e-Taiba, whose
spiritual headquarters lies a mile or so off among the green rice paddies
and grazing buffalo that flank the highway.
The sign came down some time last week, just before President Bush announced
that he was adding Lashkar-e-Taiba to the United States' official list of
terrorist organizations, and asking Pakistan's military ruler, Gen. Pervez
Musharraf, to arrest Lashkar's leaders and disband it.
Mr. Bush cited India's accusations that the group was behind an attack on
Dec. 13 on the Indian Parliament in which 14 people died, including all 5
attackers. Lashkar has denied any involvement, and Pakistan, implying Indian
mischief, has demanded that India produce its evidence.
Down the dirt road leading to the compound of Lashkar's parent organization,
the Center for the Call to Righteousness, Mr. Bush's action, and the
possibility that General Musharraf will begin his own crackdown when he
returns from an official visit to China on Monday, is greeted with studied
indifference.
"That's Bush's headache, and Musharraf's, not ours," said Rashid Minhas, a
28-year-old Pakistani who is rector of the 200-acre educational complex
where 1,200 students are steeped in the tenets of militant Islam - and,
according to Western and Indian intelligence reports, in the basics of
"jihad," or holy war.
"Let Bush do what he will; our duty as Muslims is to follow the teachings of
the holy prophet," Mr. Minhas said during an hour-long tour of the campus in
which he waved away any questions relating to the activities of
Lashkar-e-Taiba, the attacks of Sept. 11, Osama bin Laden or the disputed
territory of Kashmir, where Lashkar's Islamic fighters have been challenging
Indian rule for much of the past decade. "We are not frightened of Bush, we
are only fearful of God."
Even if it was carefully rendered for the benefit of a Western visitor, the
indifference reflected something common among Islamic militants. It is a
sense that God's will, and certainly not American power, is the ultimate
driving force of mankind's affairs. It also seemed to echo something of the
turbulent history of the region, and the fatalism it has engendered in
succeeding generations.
When Britain divided its Indian Empire into two independent states in 1947,
at least a million people died in rioting that followed, many of them only a
short distance from here along the Grand Trunk Road and the rail line across
the Punjab that carried fleeing Hindus east to India and fleeing Muslims
west to Pakistan. Since 1947, the two countries have fought three wars,
adding tens of thousands more victims.
The wounds are kept fresh, more than 50 years later, by frequent killings in
Kashmir, the one territory that remains disputed between the two countries
today.
For the Bush administration, naming Lashkar to a list that also contains Mr.
bin Laden's Al Qaeda terrorist group was, in a sense, a natural step after
Sept. 11. Since it first appeared in Kashmir in the early 1990's, Lashkar
has been known for ambushes, bombings and assassinations that have
concentrated on the Indian army and police, but also killed large numbers of
civilians. With a smaller Islamic militant group, Jaish-e-Muhammad,
previously named to the American terrorist list, Lashkar has been cited,
over the last three years, for about three- quarters of all Pakistan-backed
attacks in Indian-ruled Kashmir.
For India, getting the groups declared terrorist organizations by the United
States, and persuading Mr. Bush to press General Musharraf to disband them,
was a strategic goal from the moment of the Sept. 11 attacks. In New Delhi,
Mr. Bush's war on terrorism was greeted as a rare opportunity to accomplish
what perhaps half a million Indian troops and police have been unable to
achieve - to suppress, at their source in Pakistan, the groups that have
kept India's rule in Kashmir violent, costly and fragile.
In Pakistan, too, there were few who did not see Sept. 11 as a watershed for
what are known here as "Kashmiri freedom fighters." For years, it has been
an open secret among Pakistani intelligence officers that Lashkar has had
links with Al Qaeda, and that Lashkar's installations were ports of call for
Arab "holy warriors" heading west to Afghanistan or northeast to Indian-
ruled Kashmir. Hafiz Muhammad Saeed, who founded Lashkar after teaching
Islamic theology in Lahore, has praised Mr. bin Laden in his speeches and on
the group's Web site.
But for many Pakistanis, branding Lashkar a terrorist organization is
nowhere near as obvious a sequel to the events of Sept. 11 as it must have
seemed to Mr. Bush. In Pakistan, the struggle for Kashmir is an epic that no
Pakistani leader could abandon without risk of immediate ouster, by fellow
politicians or the army.
The bottom line on Kashmir, in Pakistan, is that more than 80 percent of
Kashmiris, in India and Pakistan, are Muslims - and that those living in the
Indian-ruled part, known as Jammu and Kashmir, were never given the right to
vote on whether to join India or Pakistan that India guaranteed them in
United Nations Security Council resolutions 50 years ago.
Once Lashkar has been suppressed, many Pakistanis say, India will demand the
proscription in Pakistan of any group that tries to join the "freedom
struggle" in Kashmir - and, relieved of armed confrontation, will persist in
refusing any move toward self-determination.
The point is one that has been widely debated around the world: In a global
war on terrorism, where is the line to be drawn between "terrorism" and
legitimate armed struggle? It is a distinction that has been frequently made
by General Musharraf, who has insisted that the United States draw a line
between "freedom struggles" like the one in Kashmir and terrorism of the
kind that occurred on Sept. 11, when the sole purpose of the attacks, the
general says, was to kill innocent civilians.
Mr. Saeed, the Lashkar leader, in statements on the group's Web site, has
sought to differentiate the group's military activities from those of Al
Qaeda. Just before Mr. Bush's announcement last week, Mr. Saeed said that
"all operations by Kashmiris under Lashkar-e-Taiba's command have been
carried out against the Indian Army with the sole purpose of protecting the
local population from repression," and that any civilian casualties were "a
regretful exception."
"We may differ with U.S. policy, and that is our right, but we do not mean
any harm to any U.S. citizen or property," he said.
For General Musharraf, deciding what actions to take against Lashkar will be
a tricky matter. On Saturday, the general's aides instructed the State Bank
of Pakistan to freeze Lashkar bank accounts. Mr. Saeed, the Lashkar leader,
described that action on his Web site as meaningless, since Lashkar owns no
bank accounts or buildings and counts as its "only assets" the holy warriors
in Kashmir. In practice, Pakistani officials say, all of the money in Mr.
Saeed's Islamic empire has been vested in Lashkar's parent organization. .
In the face of popular feelings and his own hard-line record, General
Musharraf seems unlikely to go as far as President Bush has urged, arresting
Mr. Saeed and uprooting Lashkar and its fighters.
But even if he does order Lashkar closed down, senior Pakistani officials
say, it is likely to be prelude to a shell game that has occurred before, in
which groups that have become too contentious for Pakistan to continue
supporting have "re-badged" themselves under new names, and resumed their
attacks in Kashmir.
"If what Bush wants is that we simply give India what it wants, he's
dreaming," one official said. "Whatever we do, you can be sure that it won't
be an end to the struggle for Kashmir."

Macdonald Stainsby

 in the contradiction  lies the hope
--bertholt brecht



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