Associated Press
July 25, 2001

End Of Reforms, Army Return Seen Under Indonesia Megawati

JAKARTA (AP)--Indonesia's first leader, President Sukarno, was ousted from
office 35 years ago by right-wing army generals. On Monday, Sukarno's
daughter rose to the presidency on a wave of support from the military
brass - still this nation's kingmakers.

Several other groups that were part of the corruption-ridden, 32-year
dictatorship of former President Suharto - the five-star general who brought
down Sukarno in 1966 - also backed Megawati. These include Indonesia's
powerful business elite, the state bureaucracy and the judiciary.

"This is very bad news for Indonesia's democratic reforms and for the
concept of civilian supremacy over the military," said John Roosa, a
historian
specializing in Southeast Asia.

The army's support for Megawati in the political struggle to replace Wahid -
strikingly demonstrated when they deployed nearly 100 tanks around the
presidential palace Sunday - may enable them to regain the pre-eminent
position they held during the dictatorship.

This isn't the hopeful vision of a new Indonesia that emerged when Suharto
fell. In the heady days of June 1999, after huge pro-democracy protests and
riots forced Suharto from office, "Reformasi," - Reforms - became the
rallying cry for Indonesians ecstatic with their new democratic experiment.

The military, seen as Indonesia's most corrupt institution and accused of
bloody human rights abuses in East Timor and elsewhere, appeared on the
verge of losing legitimacy.

Megawati was in the forefront of the reform movement. Her family pedigree
and the fact that Suharto's thugs attacked her party's headquarters in 1996
to remove her as its leader made her a hero and natural candidate for
president.

Her Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle won the largest share of votes -
mainly from poor and working class voters - in democratic elections in 1999,
but failed to achieve a clear majority.

Inexplicably, Megawati demonstrated no interest in the electoral college
which picks Indonesia's presidents. Her passivity allowed a coalition of
other groups, many of them holdovers from the Suharto regime, to sideline
her and elect Wahid in October 1999.

The moderate Muslim cleric wasn't expected to deliver significant reforms.
But once he became head of state, Wahid angered his backers by moving
tentatively to eliminate the corruption that marked Suharto's regime.

The government prosecuted several of Suharto's wealthiest cronies and even
attempted to bring charges against the aging dictator himself. Wahid also
tried - but eventually backed off - to replace the military brass with
reformist generals advocating civilian control over the armed forces.

In April last year, the only human rights trial of soldiers in Indonesian
history ended in 24 convictions for the massacre of dozens of students at a
religious school in Aceh.

Although most of Wahid's initiatives fizzled, they earned him the loathing
of the military and business oligarchies, which gradually switched their
support to Megawati.

In the meantime, the vice president had done little to formulate a cohesive
political platform. Her rare public speeches were full of nationalist
exhortations and nursery rhymes but short on substance.

She had nothing to do with the running of the government and quietly evaded
Wahid's request to mediate in peace talks between warring Christians and
Muslims in the Maluku islands.

"This is somebody who would normally be considered completely incompetent to
be a politician," said Roosa, a postdoctoral fellow at the University of
California at Berkley.

Megawati is widely seen as lacking intellectual ability and being heavily
influenced by her millionaire husband, Taufik Kiemas, and a coterie of
advisers.

Kiemas has established an armed party militia commanded by Eurico Guterres,
a notorious army-backed paramilitary leader from East Timor wanted by the
U.N. on charges of war crimes.

Megawati's advisers include Arifin Panigoro, an oil baron and former Suharto
crony, who as her party's parliamentary chief has worked hard to forge a
coalition with the generals and tycoons.

"She thinks it is her birthright to be president and will enjoy the glory
associated with it, but others will be running things for her," predicted
George Aditjondro, a University of Newcastle professor and a leading expert
on corruption in Indonesia.

Aditjondro said Megawati will be a mere figurehead for the military and the
oligarchies that benefitted from association with Suharto.

"I foresee a pessimistic future. We'll probably see a rotation of short-term
presidents, while the military makes sure that there are no serious trials
for corruption or human rights abuses."

Taken from Associated Press, July 23, 2001


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