Propaganda
Military's Information War Is Vast and Often Secretive

By JEFF GERTH
Published: December 11, 2005
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/11/politics/11propaganda.html
The media center in Fayetteville, N.C., would be the envy of any global 
communications company.

In state of the art studios, producers prepare the daily mix of music and 
news for the group's radio stations or spots for friendly television 
outlets. Writers putting out newspapers and magazines in Baghdad and Kabul 
converse via teleconferences. Mobile trailers with high-tech gear are 
parked outside, ready for the next crisis.

A group of Aghans listened to iPod-like devices, made by Zvox. They were 
paid for by the United States and contain civic messages consistent with 
American interests.

The center is not part of a news organization, but a military operation, 
and those writers and producers are soldiers. The 1,200-strong 
psychological operations unit based at Fort Bragg turns out what its 
officers call "truthful messages" to support the United States government's 
objectives, though its commander acknowledges that those stories are 
one-sided and their American sponsorship is hidden.

"We call our stuff information and the enemy's propaganda," said Col. Jack 
N. Summe, then the commander of the Fourth Psychological Operations Group, 
during a tour in June. Even in the Pentagon, "some public affairs 
professionals see us unfavorably," and inaccurately, he said, as "lying, 
dirty tricksters."

The recent disclosures that a Pentagon contractor in Iraq paid newspapers 
to print "good news" articles written by American soldiers prompted an 
outcry in Washington, where members of Congress said the practice 
undermined American credibility and top military and White House officials 
disavowed any knowledge of it. President Bush was described by Stephen J. 
Hadley, his national security adviser, as "very troubled" about the matter. 
The Pentagon is investigating.

But the work of the contractor, the Lincoln Group, was not a rogue 
operation. Hoping to counter anti-American sentiment in the Muslim world, 
the Bush administration has been conducting an information war that is 
extensive, costly and often hidden, according to documents and interviews 
with contractors, government officials and military personnel.

The campaign was begun by the White House, which set up a secret panel soon 
after the Sept. 11 attacks to coordinate information operations by the 
Pentagon, other government agencies and private contractors.

In Iraq and Afghanistan, the focus of most of the activities, the military 
operates radio stations and newspapers, but does not disclose their 
American ties. Those outlets produce news material that is at times 
attributed to the "International Information Center," an untraceable 
organization.

Lincoln says it planted more than 1,000 articles in the Iraqi and Arab 
press and placed editorials on an Iraqi Web site, Pentagon documents show. 
For an expanded stealth persuasion effort into neighboring countries, 
Lincoln presented plans, since rejected, for an underground newspaper, 
television news shows and an anti-terrorist comedy based on "The Three 
Stooges."

Like the Lincoln Group, Army psychological operations units sometimes pay 
to deliver their message, offering television stations money to run 
unattributed segments or contracting with writers of newspaper opinion 
pieces, military officials said.

"We don't want somebody to look at the product and see the U.S. government 
and tune out," said Col. James Treadwell, who ran psychological operations 
support at the Special Operations Command in Tampa.

The United States Agency for International Development also masks its role 
at times. AID finances about 30 radio stations in Afghanistan, but keeps 
that from listeners. The agency has distributed tens of thousands of 
iPod-like audio devices in Iraq and Afghanistan that play prepackaged civic 
messages, but it does so through a contractor that promises "there is no 
U.S. footprint."

As the Bush administration tries to build democracies overseas and support 
a free press, getting out its message is critical. But that is enormously 
difficult, given widespread hostility in the Muslim world over the war in 
Iraq, deep suspicion of American ambitions and the influence of 
antagonistic voices. The American message makers who are wary of 
identifying their role can cite findings by the Pentagon, pollsters and 
others underscoring the United States' fundamental problems of credibility 
abroad.



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