Massachusetts Health Reform Bill: A False Promise of
Universal Coverage 

By Steffie Woolhandler, M.D., M.P.H. and 
David U. Himmelstein, M.D.

April 6, 2006 by CommonDreams.org

http://www.commondreams.org/views06/0406-35.htm

It's a stirring scene. The Governor, legislative leaders and
leaders of Health Care For All standing in the State House
Rotunda declaring victory in the fight for universal health
coverage. Unfortunately, this week's tableau merely repeats
one from 20 years ago when Governor Dukakis was celebrating
passage of his universal healthcare bill. That plan imploded
within two years, and today about 250,000 more people are
uninsured in Massachusetts than the day it was signed.
Unfortunately, Massachusetts' new health reform legislation
looks set to repeat that disaster. What's in the New Bill?

The new bill includes three key provisions meant to expand
coverage. First, it would modestly expand Medicaid
eligibility. Second, it would offer subsidies for the
purchase of private coverage to low-income individuals and
families, though the size of the subsidies has yet to be
determined. Finally, those making more than three times the
poverty income (about $30,000 for a single person) would have
to buy their own coverage or pay a fine.

To help make coverage more affordable, a new state agency
will connect people with the private insurance plans that
sell the coverage, and allow people to use pre-tax dollars to
purchase coverage (a tax break that mostly helps affluent tax
payers who are in high tax brackets). This new agency is also
supposed to help design affordable plans.

Businesses that employ more than 10 people and fail to
provide health insurance will be assessed a fee (not more
than $295) to help subsidize care. Additionally, hospitals
won a rate hike assuring them better payments from state
programs, and several provisions were included that are meant
to attract additional Federal funding to help pay for the
Medicaid expansion.

What's Wrong With This Picture?

First, the politicians assumed that only about 500,000 people
in Massachusetts are uninsured. The Census Bureau says that
748,000 are uninsured. Why the difference? The 500,000 figure
comes from a phone survey conducted in English and Spanish.
Anyone without a phone or who speaks another language is
counted as insured. The 748,000 figure comes from a door-to-
door survey carried out in many languages (including
Portuguese and Haitian Creole, common languages in
Massachusetts). In sum, the reform plan wishes away 248,000
uninsured people who don't have phones or don't speak English
or Spanish. It provides no funding or means to get them
coverage.

Second, the linchpin of the plan is the false assumption that
uninsured people will be able to find affordable health
plans. A typical group policy in Massachusetts costs about
$4500 annually for an individual and more than $11,000 for
family coverage. A wealthy uninsured person could afford that
- but few of the uninsured are wealthy. A 25 year old fitness
instructor can find a cheaper plan. But few of the uninsured
are young and healthy. According to Census Bureau figures,
only 12.4% of the 748,000 uninsured in Massachusetts are both
young enough to qualify for low-premium plans (under age 35)
and affluent enough (incomes greater than 499% of poverty) to
readily afford them. Yet even this 12.4% figure may be too
high if insurers are allowed to charge higher premiums for
persons with health problems; only half of uninsured persons
in those age and income categories report that they are in
'excellent health'.

The legislation promises that the uninsured will be offered
comprehensive, affordable private health plans. But that's
like promising chocolate chip cookies with no fat, sugar or
calories. The only way to get cheaper plans is to strip down
the coverage - boost copayments, deductibles, uncovered
services etc.

Hence, the requirement that most of the uninsured purchase
coverage will either require them to pay money they don't
have, or buy nearly worthless stripped down policies that
represent coverage in name only.

Third, the legislation will do nothing to contain the
skyrocketing costs of care in Massachusetts - already the
highest in the world. Indeed, it gives new infusions of cash
to hospitals and private insurers. Predictably, rising costs
will force more and more employers to drop coverage, while
state coffers will be drained by the continuing cost
increases in Medicaid. Moreover, when the next recession
hits, tax revenues will fall just as a flood of newly
unemployed people join the Medicaid program or apply for the
insurance subsidies promised in the reform legislation. The
program is simply not sustainable over the long - or even
medium - term.

What Are the Alternatives?

The legislation offers empty promises and ignores real - and
popular - solutions.

A single payer universal coverage plan could cut costs by
streamlining health care paperwork, making health care
affordable. Massachusetts Blue Cross spends only 86% of
premiums paying for care. It spends the rest - more than $700
million last year - on billing, marketing and other
administrative costs. Harvard Pilgrim and Tufts Health Plan -
our other big insurers - are little better; each took in
about $300 million more than it paid out. That's ten times as
much overhead per enrollee as Canada's national health
insurance program. And our hospitals and doctors spent
billions more fighting with insurers over payments for each
bandaid and aspirin tablet.

Overall, Massachusetts residents will spend $13.3 billion on
health care bureaucracy this year - nearly one third of our
total health bill. If we cut bureaucracy to Canada's levels
we could save $9.4 billion annually, enough to cover all of
the 748,000 uninsured in Massachusetts and to improve
coverage for the rest of us.

Study after study - by the Congressional Budget Office, the
General Accounting Office and even the Massachusetts Medical
Society - have confirmed that single payer is the only route
to affordable universal coverage.

And single payer is popular. The Massachusetts Nurses
Association supports it along with dozens of other labor,
seniors and consumer groups; so do 62% of Massachusetts
physicians according to a recent survey. National polls find
that almost two-thirds of Americans favor a tax-funded plan
like Medicare that would cover all Americans.

But single payer national health insurance threatens the
multi-million dollar paychecks of insurance executives, and
the outrageous profits of drug companies and medical
entrepreneurs.

It's time for politicians to stand up to the insurance and
drug industries and pass health reform that can work.

[Steffie Woolhandler and David Himmelstein are primary care
physicians at Cambridge Hospital and Associate Professors at
Harvard Medical School. They co-founded Physicians for a
National Health Program. They can be reached via
[EMAIL PROTECTED]


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***

KATIE COURIC VERSUS AMY GOODMAN
By Russell Mokhiber and Robert Weissman

We haven't done the poll, but our guess is that most Americans recognize
the name Katie Couric.

And they wouldn't know Amy Goodman from a hole in the wall.

NBC Today Show co-anchor Katie Couric said this morning that she is
leaving the show to become the anchor for the CBS Evening News.

Amy Goodman is the anchor of the award winning one-hour television and
radio news program, Democracy Now.

Couric gets more ink than Goodman in the mainstream press.

That's because Couric plays by the rules of the game.

Goodman doesn't.

Couric has been with the Today Show for 15 years.

She has also been a contributing anchor for Dateline NBC.

For most of her professional life, Couric has been a celebrity
interviewer and stenographer to power.

According to the Today Show web site, she has interviewed 
"a panoply of world leaders, national political figures, writers, 
actors and pop culture icons."

Some of her groundbreaking political interviews have been fawning
sycophantic things with:

George Bush Sr., George Bush Jr., Barbara Bush, Laura Bush, Hillary
Clinton, Bill Clinton, Kofi Annan, Tony Blair, Jennifer Wilbanks ("whose
disappearance just before her wedding day created a nationwide
sensation, earning her the moniker "runaway bride"), Tricia Meili -- the
Central Park Jogger, John F. Kennedy, Jr. John and Patsy Ramsey 
about the death of their daughter, JonBenet,

Amy Goodman has reported more substantive news in one year than 
Couric has reported on in a lifetime.

Just last week, Democracy Now ran a two part interview with Noam 
Chomskyabout his new book, Failed States: The Abuse of Power and 
the Assault on Democracy.

Would Couric run a debate on the Israeli/Palestinian issue between 
Noam Chomsky and Alan Dershowitz, as Goodman did this year?

Would Couric interview Norman Finkelstein on the same?

Would she know who Norman Finkelstein is?

Would Couric know Al Lewis as more than Grandpa on the Munsters?

Or would she dare interview him on his radical political philosophy, as
Goodman did before Grandpa Al died earlier this year?

Would Couric know about the 1991 massacre of 271 peaceful 
protesters in Dili, East Timor by Indonesia forces?

Goodman was there with the protesters, was beaten, but survived.

If Katie Couric were interviewing Vanessa Redgrave, would the
conversation be dominated by the death by Israeli bulldozer of peace
activist Rachel Corrie -- as was Goodman's interview last month of
Redgrave?

Would Couric dare interview the now untouchable Harry Belafonte -- 
after he called the war criminal a war criminal?

Would Couric travel to Nigeria -- as Goodman did -- to document
Chevron's complicity with the Nigerian military in putting down an
indigenous revolt?

Couric is going to CBS News, the old stomping ground of Edward R. Murrow.

The recently released movie of Murrow -- Good Night and Good Luck --
purports to be how Murrow stood up to Senator Joseph McCarthy and his
communist witch hunts.

But the movie is actually about the sacrifice of television news at the
altar of corporate commercialism.

Murrow had slim hopes for television.

He could see the writing on the wall.

As movie reviewer John Powers put it, the movie's real theme is "the
inherent debasement of mass news in a commercial culture, a process so
powerful that even brave individuals can't stop it."

"You see, news is a product that must be able to pay for itself," Powers
said on NPR's Fresh Air. "In practice, that means getting ratings,
finding corporate sponsors and newsmen becoming purveyors of fluff, and
that's precisely what we see happening in the film. Murrow's show 'See
It Now' has to fret about alienating its sponsor, Alcoa, when it goes
after McCarthy, and Murrow himself must placate CBS by hosting the
celebrity interview show 'Person to Person.'"

Powers says that "like it or not, the age of infotainment was in the
cards from the very beginning."

"And for all his highfalutin speeches about how television can educate,
illuminate and inspire, Murrow could do nothing to slow it down," Power
said. "Seeing it now, his famed anti-McCarthy broadcast looks less like
the flowering of a golden age than a blip on the radar of packaged
commercial news, rather like Shepard Smith and Anderson Cooper
unexpectedly exploding with anger during Hurricane Katrina before
returning to their usual sleek selves."

Amy Goodman and Democracy Now are what Edward Murrow professed
television could become.

Katie Couric and the CBS Evening News represent what he feared it would
become.

Good night.

Good luck to Amy Goodman and Democracy Now.


Russell Mokhiber is editor of the Washington, D.C.-based Corporate Crime
Reporter, <http://www.corporatecrimereporter.com>. Robert Weissman is
editor of the Washington, D.C.-based Multinational Monitor,
<http://www.multinationalmonitor.org>. Mokhiber and Weissman are
co-authors of On the Rampage: Corporate Predators and the Destruction of
Democracy (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press).

(c) Russell Mokhiber and Robert Weissman

This article is posted at:
http://lists.essential.org/pipermail/corp-focus/2006/000235.html








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