http://select.nytimes.com/2006/07/16/opinion/16rich.html?pagewanted=1&th&emc=th

>From Those Wonderful Folks Who Gave You 'Axis of Evil'


By FRANK RICH
NY Times Op-Ed: July 16, 2006

AS American foreign policy lies in ruins from Pyongyang to Baghdad to
Beirut, its epitaph is already being written in Washington. Last week's Time
cover, "The End of Cowboy Diplomacy," lays out the conventional wisdom: the
Bush doctrine of pre-emptive war, upended by chaos in Iraq and the nuclear
intransigence of North Korea and Iran, is now officially kaput. In its
stead, a sadder but more patient White House, under the sway of Condi Rice,
is embracing the fine art of multilateral diplomacy and dumping the "bring
'em
on" gun-slinging that got the world into this jam.

The only flaw in this narrative - a big one - is that it understates the
administration's failure by assuming that President Bush actually had a
grand, if misguided, vision in the first place. Would that this were so. But
in truth this presidency never had a vision for the world. It instead had an
idée fixe about one country, Iraq, and in pursuit of that obsession
recklessly harnessed American power to gut-driven improvisation and P.R.
strategies, not doctrine. This has not changed, even now.

Only if we remember that the core values of this White House are marketing
and political expediency, not principle and substance, can we fully grasp
its past errors and, more important, decipher the endgame to come. The Bush
era has not been defined by big government or small government but by
virtual government. Its enduring shrine will be a hollow Department of
Homeland Security that finds more potential terrorist targets in Indiana
than in New York.

Like his father, George W. Bush always disdained the vision thing. He rode
into office on the heels of a boom, preaching minimalist ambitions
reminiscent of the 1920's boom Republicanism of Harding and Coolidge. Mr.
Bush's most fervent missions were to cut taxes, pass a placebo patients'
bill of rights and institute the education program he sold as No Child Left
Behind. His agenda was largely exhausted by the time of his fateful Crawford
vacation in August 2001, so he talked vaguely of immigration reform and
announced a stem-cell research "compromise." But he failed to seriously lead
on either issue, both of which remain subjects of toxic debate today. To
appear busy once he returned to Washington after Labor Day, he cooked up a
typically alliterative "program" called Communities of Character, a grab bag
of "values" initiatives inspired by polling data. That was forgotten after
the Qaeda attacks. But the day that changed everything didn't change the
fundamental character of the Bush presidency. The so-called doctrine of
pre-emption, a repackaging of the long-held Cheney-Rumsfeld post-cold-war
mantra of unilateralism, was just another gaudy float in the propaganda
parade ginned up to take America to war against a country that did not
attack us on 9/11. As the president's chief of staff then, Andrew Card,
famously said of the Iraq war just after Labor Day 2002, "From a marketing
point of view, you don't introduce new products in August." The Bush
doctrine was rolled out officially two weeks later, just days after the
administration's brass had fanned out en masse on the Sunday-morning talk
shows to warn that Saddam's smoking gun would soon come in the form of a
mushroom cloud.

The Bush doctrine was a doctrine in name only, a sales strategy contrived to
dress up the single mission of regime change in Iraq with philosophical
grandiosity worthy of F.D.R. There was never any serious intention of
militarily pre-empting either Iran or North Korea, whose nuclear ambitions
were as naked then as they are now, or of striking the countries that unlike
Iraq were major enablers of Islamic terrorism. Axis of Evil was merely a
clever brand name from the same sloganeering folks who gave us
"compassionate conservatism" and "a uniter, not a divider" - so clever that
the wife of a presidential speechwriter, David Frum, sent e-mails around
Washington boasting that her husband was the "Axis of Evil" author.
(Actually, only "axis" was his.)

Since then, the administration has fiddled in Iraq while Islamic radicalism
has burned brighter and the rest of the Axis of Evil, not to mention
Afghanistan and the Middle East, have grown into just the gathering threat
that Saddam was not. And there's still no policy. As Ivo Daalder of the
Brookings Institution writes on his foreign-affairs blog, Mr. Bush isn't
pursuing diplomacy in his post-cowboy phase so much as "a foreign policy of
empty gestures" consisting of "strong words here; a soothing telephone call
and hasty meetings there." The ambition is not to control events but "to
kick the proverbial can down the road - far enough so the next president can
deal with it." There is no plan for victory in Iraq, only a wish and a
prayer that the apocalypse won't arrive before Mr. Bush retires to his
ranch.

But for all the administration's setbacks, its core belief in P.R. remains
unshaken. Or at least its faith in domestic P.R. (It has never cared about
the destruction of America's image abroad by our countenance of torture.)
That marketing imperative, not policy, was once again the driving vision
behind the latest Iraq offensive: the joint selling of the killing of
Zarqawi, the formation of the new Maliki government, the surprise
presidential trip to the Green Zone and the rollout of Operation Together
Forward to secure Baghdad more than three years after its liberation from
Saddam.

Operation Together Forward is just the latest model of the Axis of Evil
gimmick. In his Rose Garden press conference last month, Mr. Bush promised
that this juggernaut of crack Iraqi troops and American minders would
"increase the number of checkpoints, enforce a curfew and implement a strict
weapons ban across the Iraqi capital." It's been predictably downhill ever
since. After two weeks of bloodshed, Col. Jeffrey Snow of the Army explained
that the operation was a success even if the patient, Iraq, was dying,
because "we expected that there would be an increase in the number of
attacks." Last week, the American ambassador, Zalmay Khalilzad, allowed that
there would be "adjustments" to the plan and that the next six months (why
is it always six months?) would be critical. Gen. George Casey spoke of
tossing more American troops into the Baghdad shooting gallery to stave off
disaster.
So what's the latest White House strategy to distract from the escalating
mayhem? Yet another P.R. scheme, in this case drawn from the playbook of
fall 2003, when the president countered news of the growing Iraq insurgency
by going around the media "filter" to speak to the people through softball
interviews with regional media outlets. Thus the past two weeks have brought
the spectacle of Mr. Bush yukking it up at Graceland, flattering immigrant
workers at a Dunkin' Donuts, patronizing a children's lemonade stand in
Raleigh, N.C., and meeting the press in such comfy settings as an
outside-the-filter press conference (in Chicago) and "Larry King Live." The
people, surely, are feeling better already about all that nasty business
abroad.

Or not. The bounce in the polls that once reliably followed these stunts is
no more. As Americans contemplate the tragedy of Iraq, the triumph of
Islamic jihadists in "democracies" we promoted for the Middle East, and the
unimpeded power plays of Kim Jong Il and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, they see
reality for what it is. Gone are the days when "Mission Accomplished" would
fly. Barring a miracle, one legacy of the Bush Iraq-centric foreign policy
will be the mess that those who come next will have to clean up.

ANOTHER, equally significant, part of the Bush legacy is already evident
throughout Washington, and not confined to foreign policy or the executive
branch. Following the president's leadership, Congress has also embraced the
virtual governance of substituting publicity stunts for substance.

Instead of passing an immigration law, this Congress has entertained us with
dueling immigration hearings. Instead of overseeing the war in Iraq or
homeland security, its members have held press conferences announcing that
they, if not the Pentagon, have at last found Saddam's weapons of mass
destruction (degraded mustard gas and sarin canisters from the 1980's).
Instead of promised post-DeLay reforms, the House concocted a sham Lobbying
Accountability and Transparency Act that won't do away with the gifts and
junkets politicians rake in from the Abramoffs of K Street. And let's not
forget all the days devoted to resolutions about same-sex marriage, flag
burning, the patriotism of The New York Times and the Pledge of Allegiance.

"Before long, Congress will be leaving on its summer vacation," Bob
Schieffer of CBS News said two weeks ago. "My question is, how will we know
they are gone?" By the calculation of USA Today, the current Congress is on
track to spend fewer days in session than the "do-nothing Congress" Harry
Truman gave hell to in 1948. No wonder its approval rating, for Republicans
and Democrats together, is even lower than the president's. It's not only
cowboy diplomacy that's dead at this point in the Bush era, but also
functioning democracy as we used to know it.

***

Protesters Demand Recount in Mexico

By MARK STEVENSON
The Associated Press
Sunday, July 16, 2006; 2:47 PM

MEXICO CITY -- Hundreds of thousands of protesters marched through
the Mexican capital on Sunday to demand a manual recount in the
disputed presidential election, led by a leftist candidate who says
fraud cost him the presidency.

As a precaution, the Roman Catholic Church canceled Mass at the
city's downtown cathedral as supporters of Andres Manuel Lopez
Obrador began to overwhelm the central plaza to the sound of
firecrackers and bands. Police officials estimated the crowd at 900,000.
(other estimates range from 1.1 to 1.5 million - Ed)

Conservative candidate Felipe Calderon, of President Vicente Fox's
National Action Party, won by about 244,000 votes in the official
count after the July 2 election.

Lopez Obrador's Democratic Revolution Party has appealed to the
federal electoral court to overturn the official count, alleging
illicit government and corporate help for Calderon, ballot stuffing
and other irregularities. The former Mexico City mayor says he will
stop the protests only if there is a ballot-by-ballot recount.

National Action has also filed its own challenges, seeking to stretch
Calderon's tiny vote advantage. Calderon has said he believes is no
legal basis for a complete recount, and has called on Lopez Obrador
to respect official vote tallies.

Lopez Obrador supporters such as Xochitl Luna compared the situation
to the fraud-stained 1988 election lost by leftist candidate
Cuauhtemoc Cardenas and said they were ready for a long struggle.

"We could be here six more years," said the 43-year-old unemployed
secretary, referring to the presidential term.

"In 1988 we were ready to take up sticks and stones," she said.
"Today we are prepared to fight with ideas."

Marchers carried banners that proclaimed "No To Fraud!" as well as
pictures of Calderon with a slash and the slogan: "It won't happen."

Fox ended the Institutional Revolutionary Party's 71 year
stranglehold on the presidency in the 2000 election. Mexico's
constitution limits presidents to one six-year term and he leaves
office Dec. 1.

Top Lopez Obrador adviser Ricardo Monreal said the July 2 election
means that Mexico's fledging democracy is already faltering.

"If another abuse, another (electoral) theft is confirmed," he said,
"Mexico will never have clean elections again."

Some of Lopez Obrador's devoted followers have lit votive candles
outside his campaign headquarters.

"He is the most marvelous man in the world," said Eugenia Leal, a
70-year-old retired school teacher who collects a pension thanks to a
city program instituted by Lopez Obrador. "I'm willing to follow him
from here to the death, or wherever he orders."

The dispute threatens to further divide Mexico along geographic and
class lines. Lopez Obrador won in the mainly poor southern states,
while Calderon swept most of the more-affluent north and northwest.

Lopez Obrador may never recognize Calderon as a legitimate president,
setting up six years of sparring and protests that could threaten
Mexico's political and economic stability.

The stock market and currency have swung widely in recent weeks as
investors weigh the outcome of the dispute.

Calderon is building a transition team and planning a nationwide
victory tour, even though his victory isn't official until the
elections court issues a final decree by Sept. 6.

School teacher Ezequiel Torres, 53, said Lopez Obrador "represents
hope."

"The right is capable of calling the army into the streets against
the public," he said. "The people are tired, fed up, beaten by all
that has been done by globalization governments. We want to undo
everything that Fox has done."







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