Just this one email today.  There’s a lot to digest, here.  -Ed

 

http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/fisk/who-cares-in-the-midd
le-east-what-obama-says-2290761.html


Who cares in the Middle East what Obama says?


President Obama has shown himself to be weak in his dealings with the Middle
East, says Robert Fisk, and the Arab world is turning its back with
contempt. Its future will be shaped without American influence.

Rober Fisk

The Independent/UK:  May 30, 2011

This month, in the Middle East, has seen the unmaking of the President of
the United States. More than that, it has witnessed the lowest prestige of
America in the region since Roosevelt met King Abdul Aziz on the USS Quincy
in the Great Bitter Lake in 1945. 

While Barack Obama and Benjamin Netanyahu played out their farce in
Washington – Obama grovelling as usual – the Arabs got on with the serious
business of changing their world, demonstrating and fighting and dying for
freedoms they have never possessed. Obama waffled on about change in the
Middle East – and about America's new role in the region. It was pathetic.
"What is this 'role' thing?" an Egyptian friend asked me at the weekend. "Do
they still believe we care about what they think?" 

And it is true. Obama's failure to support the Arab revolutions, until they
were all, but over lost the US most of its surviving credit in the region.
Obama was silent on the overthrow of Ben Ali, only joined in the chorus of
contempt for Mubarak two days before his flight, condemned the Syrian regime
– which has killed more of its people than any other dynasty in this Arab
"spring", save for the frightful Gaddafi – but makes it clear that he would
be happy to see Assad survive, waves his puny fist at puny Bahrain's cruelty
and remains absolutely, stunningly silent over Saudi Arabia. And he goes on
his knees before Israel. Is it any wonder, then, that Arabs are turning
their backs on America, not out of fury or anger, nor with threats or
violence, but with contempt? It is the Arabs and their fellow Muslims of the
Middle East who are themselves now making the decisions. 

Turkey is furious with Assad because he twice promised to speak of reform
and democratic elections – and then failed to honour his word. The Turkish
government has twice flown delegations to Damascus and, according to the
Turks, Assad lied to the foreign minister on the second visit, baldly
insisting that he would recall his brother Maher's legions from the streets
of Syrian cities. He failed to do so. The torturers continue their work. 

Watching the hundreds of refugees pouring from Syria across the northern
border of Lebanon, the Turkish government is now so fearful of a repeat of
the great mass Iraqi Kurdish refugee tide that overwhelmed their border in
the aftermath of the 1991 Gulf war that it has drawn up its own secret plans
to prevent the Kurds of Syria moving in their thousands into the Kurdish
areas of south-eastern Turkey. Turkish generals have thus prepared an
operation that would send several battalions of Turkish troops into Syria
itself to carve out a "safe area" for Syrian refugees inside Assad's
caliphate. The Turks are prepared to advance well beyond the Syrian border
town of Al Qamishli – perhaps half way to Deir el-Zour (the old desert
killing fields of the 1915 Armenian Holocaust, though speak it not) – to
provide a "safe haven" for those fleeing the slaughter in Syria's cities. 

The Qataris are meanwhile trying to prevent Algeria from resupplying Gaddafi
with tanks and armoured vehicles – this was one of the reasons why the Emir
of Qatar, the wisest bird in the Arabian Gulf, visited the Algerian
president, Abdelaziz Bouteflika, last week. Qatar is committed to the Libyan
rebels in Benghazi; its planes are flying over Libya from Crete and –
undisclosed until now – it has Qatari officers advising the rebels inside
the city of Misrata in western Libya; but if Algerian armour is indeed being
handed over to Gaddafi to replace the material that has been destroyed in
air strikes, it would account for the ridiculously slow progress which the
Nato campaign is making against Gaddafi. 

Of course, it all depends on whether Bouteflika really controls his army –
or whether the Algerian "pouvoir", which includes plenty of secretive and
corrupt generals, are doing the deals. Algerian equipment is superior to
Gaddafi's and thus for every tank he loses, Ghaddafi might be getting an
improved model to replace it. Below Tunisia, Algeria and Libya share a
750-mile desert frontier, an easy access route for weapons to pass across
the border. 

But the Qataris are also attracting Assad's venom. Al Jazeera's
concentration on the Syrian uprising – its graphic images of the dead and
wounded far more devastating than anything our soft western television news
shows would dare broadcast – has Syrian state television nightly spitting at
the Emir and at the state of Qatar. The Syrian government has now suspended
up to £4 billion of Qatari investment projects, including one belonging to
the Qatar Electricity and Water Company. 

Amid all these vast and epic events – Yemen itself may yet prove to be the
biggest bloodbath of all, while the number of Syria's "martyrs" have now
exceeded the victims of Mubarak's death squads five months ago – is it any
surprise that the frolics of Messrs Netanyahu and Obama appear so
irrelevant? Indeed, Obama's policy towards the Middle East – whatever it is
– sometimes appears so muddled that it is scarcely worthy of study. He
supports, of course, democracy – then admits that this may conflict with
America's interests. In that wonderful democracy called Saudi Arabia, the US
is now pushing ahead with a £40 billion arms deal and helping the Saudis to
develop a new "elite" force to protect the kingdom's oil and future nuclear
sites. Hence Obama's fear of upsetting Saudi Arabia, two of whose three
leading brothers are now so incapacitated that they can no longer make sane
decisions – unfortunately, one of these two happens to be King Abdullah –
and his willingness to allow the Assad family's atrocity-prone regime to
survive. Of course, the Israelis would far prefer the "stability" of the
Syrian dictatorship to continue; better the dark caliphate you know than the
hateful Islamists who might emerge from the ruins. But is this argument
really good enough for Obama to support when the people of Syria are dying
in the streets for the kind of democracy that the US president says he wants
to see in the region? 

One of the vainest elements of American foreign policy towards the Middle
East is the foundational idea that the Arabs are somehow more stupid than
the rest of us, certainly than the Israelis, more out of touch with reality
than the West, that they don't understand their own history. Thus they have
to be preached at, lectured, and cajoled by La Clinton and her ilk – much as
their dictators did and do, father figures guiding their children through
life. But Arabs are far more literate than they were a generation ago;
millions speak perfect English and can understand all too well the political
weakness and irrelevance in the president's words. Listening to Obama's
45-minute speech this month – the "kick off' to four whole days of weasel
words and puffery by the man who tried to reach out to the Muslim world in
Cairo two years ago, and then did nothing – one might have thought that the
American President had initiated the Arab revolts, rather than sat on the
sidelines in fear. 

There was an interesting linguistic collapse in the president's language
over those critical four days. On Thursday 19 May, he referred to the
continuation of Israeli "settlements". A day later, Netanyahu was lecturing
him on "certain demographic changes that have taken place on the ground".
Then when Obama addressed the American Aipac lobby group (American Israel
Public Affairs Committee) on the Sunday, he had cravenly adopted Netanyahu's
own preposterous expression. Now he, too, spoke of "new demographic
realities on the ground." Who would believe that he was talking about
internationally illegal Jewish colonies built on land stolen from Arabs in
one of the biggest property heists in the history of "Palestine"? Delay in
peace-making will undermine Israeli security, Obama announced – apparently
unaware that Netanyahu's project is to go on delaying and delaying and
delaying until there is no land left for the "viable" Palestinian state
which the United States and the European Union supposedly wish to see. 

Then we had the endless waffle about the 1967 borders. Netanyahu called them
"defenceless" (though they seemed to have been pretty defendable for the 18
years prior to the Six Day War) and Obama – oblivious to the fact that
Israel must be the only country in the world to have an eastern land
frontier but doesn't know where it is – then says he was misunderstood when
he talked about 1967. It doesn't matter what he says. George W Bush caved in
years ago when he gave Ariel Sharon a letter which stated America's
acceptance of "already existing major Israeli population centres" beyond the
1967 lines. To those Arabs prepared to listen to Obama's spineless oration,
this was a grovel too far. They simply could not understand the reaction of
Netanyahu's address to Congress. How could American politicians rise and
applaud Netanyahu 55 times – 55 times – with more enthusiasm than one of the
rubber parliaments of Assad, Saleh and the rest? 

And what on earth did the Great Speechifier mean when he said that "every
country has the right to self-defence" but that Palestine would be
"demilitarised"? What he meant was that Israel could go on attacking the
Palestinians (as in 2009, for example, when Obama was treacherously silent)
while the Palestinians would have to take what was coming to them if they
did not behave according to the rules – because they would have no weapons
to defend themselves. As for Netanyahu, the Palestinians must choose between
unity with Hamas or peace with Israel. All of which was very odd. When there
was no unity, Netanyahu told us all that he had no Palestinian interlocutor
because the Palestinians were disunited. Yet when they unite, they are
disqualified from peace talks. 

Of course, cynicism grows the longer you live in the Middle East. I recall,
for example, travelling to Gaza in the early 1980s when Yasser Arafat was
running his PLO statelet in Beirut. Anxious to destroy Arafat's prestige in
the occupied territories, the Israeli government decided to give its support
to an Islamist group in Gaza called Hamas. In fact, I actually saw with my
own eyes the head of the Israeli army's Southern Command negotiating with
bearded Hamas officials, giving them permission to build more mosques. It's
only fair to say, of course, that we were also busy at the time, encouraging
a certain Osama bin Laden to fight the Soviet army in Afghanistan. But the
Israelis did not give up on Hamas. They later held another meeting with the
organisation in the West Bank; the story was on the front page of the
Jerusalem Post the next day. But there wasn't a whimper from the Americans. 

Then another moment that I can recall over the long years. Hamas and Islamic
Jihad members – all Palestinians – were, in the early 1990s, thrown across
the Israeli border into southern Lebanon where they spent more than a year
camping on a freezing mountainside. I would visit them from time to time and
on one occasion mentioned that I would be travelling to Israel next day.
Immediately, one of the Hamas men ran to his tent and returned with a
notebook. He then proceeded to give me the home telephone numbers of three
senior Israeli politicians – two of whom are still prominent today – and,
when I reached Jerusalem and called the numbers, they all turned out to be
correct. In other words, the Israeli government had been in personal and
direct contact with Hamas. 

But now the narrative has been twisted out of all recognition. Hamas are the
super-terrorists, the "al-Qa'ida" representatives in the unified Palestinian
leadership, the men of evil who will ensure that no peace ever takes place
between Palestinians and Israeli. If only this were true, the real al-Qa'ida
would be more than happy to take responsibility. But it is not true. In the
same context, Obama stated that the Palestinians would have to answer
questions about Hamas. But why should they? What Obama and Netanyahu think
about Hamas is now irrelevant to them. Obama warns the Palestinians not to
ask for statehood at the United Nations in September. But why on earth not?
If the people of Egypt and Tunisia and Yemen and Libya and Syria – we are
all waiting for the next revolution (Jordan? Bahrain again? Morocco?) – can
fight for freedom and dignity, why shouldn't the Palestinians? Lectured for
decades on the need for non-violent protest, the Palestinians elect to go to
the UN with their cry for legitimacy – only to be slapped down by Obama. 

Having read all of the "Palestine Papers" which Al-Jazeera revealed, there
is no doubt that "Palestine's" official negotiators will go to any lengths
to produce some kind of statelet. Mahmoud Abbas, who managed to write a
600-page book on the "peace process" without once mentioning the word
"occupation", could even cave in over the UN project, fearful of Obama's
warning that it would be an attempt to "isolate" Israel and thus
de-legitimise the Israeli state – or "the Jewish state" as the US president
now calls it. But Netanyahu is doing more than anyone to delegitimise his
own state; indeed, he is looking more and more like the Arab buffoons who
have hitherto littered the Middle East. Mubarak saw a "foreign hand" in the
Egyptian revolution (Iran, of course). So did the Crown Prince of Bahrain
(Iran again). So did Gaddafi (al-Qa'ida, western imperialism, you name it),
So did Saleh of Yemen (al-Qa'ida, Mossad and America). So did Assad of Syria
(Islamism, probably Mossad, etc). And so does Netanyahu (Iran, naturally
enough, Syria, Lebanon, just about anyone you can think of except for Israel
itself). 

But as this nonsense continues, so the tectonic plates shudder. I doubt very
much if the Palestinians will remain silent. If there's an "intifada" in
Syria, why not a Third Intifada in "Palestine"? Not a struggle of suicide
bombers but of mass, million-strong protests. If the Israelis have to shoot
down a mere few hundred demonstrators who tried – and in some cases
succeeded – in crossing the Israeli border almost two weeks ago, what will
they do if confronted by thousands or a million. Obama says no Palestinian
state must be declared at the UN. But why not? Who cares in the Middle East
what Obama says? Not even, it seems, the Israelis. The Arab spring will soon
become a hot summer and there will be an Arab autumn, too. By then, the
Middle East may have changed forever. What America says will matter nothing.


Like Robert Fisk on The Independent on Facebook for updates

 



[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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