The Lebanese Left Fails in Syria
  <http://www.tlaxcala-int.org/biographie.asp?ref_aut=1841&lg_pp=en>   Khalil
Issa خليل عيسى
<http://www.tlaxcala-int.org/biographie.asp?ref_aut=1841&lg_pp=en>

 Translated by * Hanna Petro حنا
بترو<http://www.tlaxcala-int.org/biographie.asp?ref_aut=1842&lg_pp=en>
*



When the left loses all the material elements of its steadfastness, as a
result of its mistakes on the one hand and because of surrounding local
pressures on the other, it is usually left with nothing but the
political-ethical discourse as a principled stance on the basis of which to
fight. In the end, being a leftist is to side with justice against
oppression, with the victim against the perpetrator, with the exploited
against the exploiter. This is the moral position that keeps us leftists
after the (near) death of the Lebanese left, as an organized political
movement.
Today, in the midst of the broad revolutionary protest movement—which is
demanding freedom in all corners of Syria and which has faced terrifying
repression that resulted in more than 1100 deaths and ten thousand of people
detained, most of whom are members of the Syrian toiling class, peasants and
workers—came the latest memorandum from the political bureau of the Lebanese
Communist Party (issued on April 20, 2011), reminding the Syrian people that
it has the right to “mobilize through all peaceful and democratic means for
the sake of social, political, and economic reforms and the combating of
corruption.” Conversely, it fails to name any martyrs and murder victims in
Syria, and “wishes that [the Syrian government] be quick in implementing all
the reforms put forth by President Bashar al-Asad.”

The ambiguous position of the party becomes more distinguishable when we see
a long speech about “Syria confronting internal strife, which imperialist
America and Israel strive towards in cooperation with some of the
collaborating forces inside and outside of Syria, which are [themselves]
steeped in reactionary politics.” But there is something we do not
understand: Which fitna [strife] is the Lebanese Communist Party referring
to? And why do we want to mention the *fitna* specially, when the discourse
should be against oppression, murder, and terrorism? Have the national
opposition members in Syria like Michel Kilo, Aref Dalila and Yasin al-Hajj
Salih—who are all “comrades” by the way—suddenly become agents of the
imperialist “circles?” Or has the absurd *fitna* theory, which constitutes
an offshoot of the “conspiracy” theory, become an alternative to all the
positions that must be undertaken by a party which is supposed to be the
“party of the people” par excellence?

The position of the Communist Party on what is happening in Syria is a
failure on both the ethical and political levels. Here, [the failure is in]
the sense that politics [is supposed to] be genuinely serving the interests
of the oppressed classes; [and this] makes the party one with a rightwing
leadership. It practically rejects the change demanded by the toiling class
and the workers in Syria, as well as adopts the regime’s “external
conspiracy” narrative. All that remains for the comrades of the political
bureau is to participate in the propaganda against the protesters, calling
them “conspirators” or “armed gangs.” This is especially [the case] since
[the Communist Party’s] Secretary General Khalid Hadada confirmed once again
the centrality of “the conspiracy against Syria” in an article of his in
al-Safir newspaper (May 28th, 2011). If he rejects the security solution in
Syria, he also repudiates “attempted bullying by the outside.”

Here, we ask Comrade Khalid Hadada which of the protestors in Syria today is
asking for bullying by the outside? Or have these verbal pretexts always
been present–because the history of imperialist intervention in the region
is well known and destructive—[so as] to  make us produce an unethical
political position, which completely ignores what is happening on the ground
in Syria? Why is imperialism inserted where it is not, that we start to see
imperialism not where it truly is. What dialogue is the Communist Party
calling for while, for example, Azmi Bishara says in one of his latest media
appearances that “it is clear that there is dialogue. Unfortunately, only
dialogue pertaining to reform, but there is an instigation to murder and
shoot at those who demand reform.”

Given that the communist leadership is rightwing to this degree, this does
not summarize the entire problem. Many–not all, of course—of the Lebanese
leftists, both from within the [Communist] Party and outside of it, are
convinced that what is happening in Syria is the doing of the “Salafis” or
the “Anglo-Americozionist-Saudi-Qatari” conspiracy. Here, the ever-present
phobia of the Conspiracy mixes with a "secular sectarianism," to use the
expression of Syrian author Yasin al-Hajj Salih. Many leftists now repeat
the repudiation by poets like Adonis and Safidi Yusuf of “the coming out of
revolution from the mosque,” or that what is happening is nothing but a
verse of “the West’s making.” Here, secular sectarianism consciously or
unconsciously inflates a minority sensibility that is horrified by the cries
of *allahu akbar* [Allah is great], and gives life to a sick elitism that
does not see a sufficient “revolutionary consciousness” among the Syrian
masses. The communist comrades boast that they [themselves] do possess it
[i.e., the revolutionary consciousness] just as those who claim to possess
the keys to paradise. This might also reflect a class disdain expressed by a
small bourgeois leadership towards workers and peasants who are being
killed.

What is constantly demanded is that the Revolution be in accordance with the
standard of a distressed left, which only defines itself by the discourse of
“secularism.” (By the way, here we ask whatever happened to the call of
“overthrowing the sectarian regime?”) If it is understood that the regional
standing of Hizballah, namely its rockets and the military resistance
against Israel, is a fundamental issue to be lost or gained when it takes a
stance on what is happening in Syria, we do not understand what political
loss is being avoided by the Communist Party, which in recent years has
become akin to a “desert mirage” on the Lebanese political scene. Or maybe
there is another interest that pushes the “communist” leadership to act in
this manner; and we do not know it.

Today, we have come to the presence of a “secular sectarian” Lebanese left,
which has retired from its duties, vacillating between a Lebanese
nationalist vision and an Arab nationalist position in the archaic sense of
the word. It is intellectually lazy, politically cowardly, folkloric,
carrying a vulgar Marxist discourse with an opportunistic tendency, and not
self-sufficient; such that it adopts a narrative of injustice starting with
the “imperial West” and ending with lamentation over the “injustice”
committed by the other Lebanese sectarian parties towards it. When the left
does not question ready-made answers, it becomes (in a sense) a “religious”
left. The Lebanese left is united with all the oppressed peoples of the
world, with the exception of the Arab peoples. Maybe it is because those
[Arab peoples] are in their depths [really] still ... “Muslim", meaning they
are not “secular” enough!

There is a deeper problem facing leftists and communists on the theoretical
level. It is the “freedom” called for by the crushed Arab masses from [the
Atlantic] Ocean to [the Arab] Gulf. In and of itself, this was an expression
of a dignity, lost because of regimes that govern in a 'local' colonial
fashion. Thinking about this issue is more important today than our endless
pleas for analyses by the martyr Mahdi Amel or the economic determinism that
Marxism itself has surpassed. Many traditional communists consider the
subject of “democracy” as a “bourgeois” issue. They ignore the fact that the
right to vote, the right to express one’s opinion, and [the right] to form
political parties was never a “liberal” gift, but something that came as a
result of struggles fought out by the working class and the peasantry. For
this [reason], the loathing of political freedom by describing it as
“bourgeois freedom” is at the root of stances [that are] neglectful of the
demands of the masses, which want 'dignity' before anything else.

Today, there are three matters which constitute the rightwing leaning of
Lebanese “left”: the secular sectarianism which was transformed into a
politics of identity; the disease of elitism, which despises the struggling
classes; and the absence of intellectual renewal because of the repeating of
deaf leftist prayers, which claim to answer every worry and complaint. We
are in need of a new left. From this [premise], [this is] a call to the
comrades in the Communist Party to become aware of the historic role that
they must view [things] from, as well as to cease having the infantile and
purely “emotional” relationship with their established party ... simply
because it is the “Communist Party.” We say this, hoping that the left will
return to the left and the Communist Party to its communism. Circumstances
indicate that hard times will befall on this country [Lebanon], and then we
will truly need this new left.



------------------------------

Courtesy of 
Jadaliyya<http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/1786/the-lebanese-left-fails-in-syria>
Source: http://www.al-akhbar.com/node/13895
Publication date of original article: 04/06/2011
URL of this page: http://www.tlaxcala-int.org/article.asp?reference=5226

Tags: Syria <http://www.tlaxcala-int.org/reponse_pp.asp?tag=Syria> |
Lebanon<http://www.tlaxcala-int.org/reponse_pp.asp?tag=Lebanon>|
Lebanese
Left <http://www.tlaxcala-int.org/reponse_pp.asp?tag=Lebanese Left> | Bashar
al-Assad <http://www.tlaxcala-int.org/reponse_pp.asp?tag=Bashar
al-Assad> | Baath
regime <http://www.tlaxcala-int.org/reponse_pp.asp?tag=Baath regime> | Arab
revolutions <http://www.tlaxcala-int.org/reponse_pp.asp?tag=Arab
revolutions>


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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