http://www.marxist.com/elections-in-russia-tide-is-turning.htm

 Elections in Russia: The tide is
turning<http://www.marxist.com/elections-in-russia-tide-is-turning.htm>
Written by Alan Woods Tuesday, 06 December 2011
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*The parliamentary elections in Russia on Sunday, December 4, were seen as
a popularity test of Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, who is running for the
presidency in March. The result was a blow to Putin, registering a sharp
fall in support for his United Russia party. According to the official
results, which are undoubtedly rigged, United Russia obtained just under
half of valid votes cast, which gives it a very small majority in the State
Duma.*

[image: Vladimir Putin. Photo: World Economic
Forum]<http://www.marxist.com/images/stories/russia/Vladimir_Putin-World_Economic_Forum.jpg>Vladimir
Putin. Photo: World Economic ForumParliamentary election took place in
Russia, simultaneously with local elections in 27 Russian regions.

Lenin often stressed the importance of studying each and every statistic
that could shed light on the evolution of class consciousness. He paid
careful attention to even the smallest election and tried to assess its
significance for the development of the class struggle; the changed
relationship between parties and classes. It is therefore necessary to ask:
what is the meaning of these elections and in what direction is Russia
moving?

Elections in Russia have a very relative importance, since everybody knows
they are rigged by the Kremlin. Many Russians are understandably cynical
about elections and political parties. Nevertheless, Sunday’s election to
the Russian parliament (the Duma) revealed a significant change in the
situation. The result for United Russia must be compared to the 64% that
they won in the parliamentary elections in 2007.

The Duma elections were an important indicator for Russia’s future. The
result of the presidential elections in March next year is a foregone
conclusion. Putin will be the next President of Russia. But the Kremlin
needed to win a constitutional majority in Sunday's vote, or 66% of the
seats (about 62% of the vote). In the end it barely managed to scrape a
majority. The ruling party lost its previous two-thirds majority which
allowed it to change the constitution unchallenged.

Seven parties stood for 450 seats, which are allocated on a pro-rata basis
to those parties that garner more that 7% of the votes cast nationwide.
This is calculated to eliminate the smaller parties. It means that just
four parties stood a chance: Putin’s United Russia, the Communist Party
(KPRF), Just Russia (Spravidlivaya Rossiya) and the comically misnamed
Liberal Democratic Party (LDPR) of the right wing demagogue Zhirinovsky.
The allocated seats are filled by the candidates from the party lists filed
with the Central Election Committee at the start of campaign.

The preliminary result on Monday morning, with 95.71% Ballots counted, was
as follows:

   - United Russia: 49.54%
   - Communist Party: 19.16%
   - A Just Russia: 13.22%
   - Liberal Democratic Party: 11.11%
   - Yabloko: 3.3%
   - Patriots of Russia: 0.97%
   - Right Cause: 0.59%

The breakdown in seats in the Duma will be:

   - United Russia: 238 (315 in 2007)
   - CRRF: 92 (57)
   - A Just Russia: 64 (38)
   - Liberal Democratic Party: 56 (40)

United Russia was founded exclusively as a vehicle for Putin. Now his
authority has suffered a blow from which it will be difficult to recover.
It indicates a slump in his support. It reflects a sharp shift in public
opinion. An increasing number of Russians blame him for the rampant
corruption, falling standards and a stagnant economy. United Russia is now
known as “the party of thieves and crooks.”

Despite this, few people expected any party but United Russia would be
declared the winner. But voters hoped at least to give Putin a kick. They
certainly succeeded. The drop in support for Putin and his party was felt
even in places such as Vladivostok, Russia’s Pacific capital and seven time
zones east of Moscow. This region was once a bastion of support for Putin.
But many voters here turned to the opposition on Sunday for the first time
in a decade.

Vladimir Putin's party got as little as 25.5% in the Noginsk industrial
district outside of Moscow, where the CPRF won. In the central election
district of St. Petersburg (27.7% for United Russia) on Sunday, Putin’s
party barely beat A Just Russia, which tries to present itself as a
“socialist” party.

United Russia also polled poorly in Kareliya (32.3%), the Russian region
near Finland; in Arkhangelsk (31.8%), the Arctic Sea port; and in Primorsky
Krai (33.4%), the Pacific coastal region in the Far East. Meanwhile, in the
Dmitrov area of the Moscow region (29.0%), home to ailing industrial
districts, the Communist Party captured almost as much of the vote as UR.
Regime in crisis

Putin was recently named by Forbes magazine as the world’s second
most-powerful person, behind only U.S. President Barrack Obama. Now
suddenly he looks like a Colossus with feet of clay. Twelve years ago, when
Putin was first propelled to power on the basis of the widespread revulsion
with the rule of the western stooge Boris Yeltsin, he enjoyed wide public
approval. He seemed to take measures against the oligarchs who had enriched
themselves under Yeltsin and his nationalist demagogy and pose of “standing
up to the West” temporarily assisted him.

Yet, the main reason was the economic recovery that followed the economic
debacle of 1998. Russian nominal gross domestic product (GDP) rose to $1.9
trillion this year, as opposed to only $200 billion in 1999. This was a
temporary relief. Now, all illusions have evaporated. People realise that
the supposed attack on the oligarchs was merely a case of transferring the
loot from one group of gangsters to another, while the majority are no
better off than they were before. Russia has been hit hard by the global
economic crisis. Putin is now commonly referred to as a dictator, while
United Russia is seen by many voters as deeply corrupt.

This election was really a referendum on Vladimir Putin and the ruling
United Russia party. Boris Gryzlov, the speaker of parliament and United
Russia’s chairman, argued that the party put in a strong performance
compared with other European ruling parties. But this argument will fool
nobody. The truth is that Putin’s regime has lost all legitimacy among
voters, particularly in large cities.

The results were also a blow for Dmitri Medvedev, who as United Russia’s
candidate for prime minister was theoretically the party’s leader in the
Duma elections. “Taken the more complicated configuration of the Duma, we
will have to enter in to coalitions and agreements [with other parties] on
certain issues,” he said Sunday. “This is what parliamentarianism and
democracy are about.”

To talk about parliamentarianism and democracy in Russia is, of course, a
joke in poor taste. The Duma is rightly seen by most people as merely a
rubber stamp body for the Kremlin. However, if United Russia loses its
majority that situation may change. The Kremlin clique will be compelled to
manoeuvre and negotiate with other parties. The March presidential
elections – previously expected to be a coronation for Mr. Putin – may now
prove to be more complicated.

The constitution stipulates that political power should be concentrated in
the Duma because it is an elected body. In reality, however, it is in the
hands of the Kremlin clique controlled by Putin. Putin served as president
from 2000 to 2008 but was prohibited by the constitution from running for a
third consecutive term. He got around this inconvenience by a transparent
manoeuvre. When Putin was obliged to stand down as President, he gave the
job to his stooge Dmitry Medvedev. But real power remained in Putin’s hands.

>From the start it was clear that Putin intended to return to his old job as
president. Medvedev predictably said he would back Putin's bid, hoping to
be given the office of prime minister as a reward. Putin planned to return
to the presidency in March for another two terms until 2024. But as Robert
Burns said long ago: “*The best - laid schemes o' mice an 'men gang aft
agley*.”
Dirty tricks

Abraham Lincoln pointed out that it is possible to fool some of the people
all the time, and all of the people some of the time, but it is not
possible to fool all the people all of the time. Nobody believes the
official lies anymore. There was widespread cynicism about the election.

There can be no doubt that even the bad result for United Russia was
greatly inflated. The real result will have been much worse. There have
been widespread reports of ballot-stuffing, voter intimidation and the
harassment of election observers. During the election campaign there were
many reports of illegal manipulation of the press and other dirty tricks
organized by the Kremlin.

“We have received thousands of calls from regional offices, confirming
massive violations and fraud,” said Communist Party deputy head Ivan
Melnikov on the party website. “Throughout the day, it was like receiving
reports from a war zone.” CPRF leader Gennady Zyuganov denounced electoral
fraud and described the election as “theft on an especially grand scale”.
He said police had barred Communist monitors from several polling stations
across the country, adding that”some ended up in hospital with broken
bones”. Some ballot boxes, he said, had been stuffed with ballots even
before voting began.

In various cities, business managers demanded that their employees vote for
United Russia, threatening them with pay cuts or even dismissal if they
didn’t. During classes, teachers made their students check off United
Russia on hundreds of blank ballots. Entire apartment buildings discovered
that none of the residents were on voter lists. It was also reported that
none of the students, scholars or teachers at Moscow State University from
outside Moscow could vote. They had to return to their hometowns to cast
their ballots.

Violence was widespread. In Belgorod, a Communist Party regional deputy was
beaten up by the police. In Perm, the campaign manager for an oppositional
party was beaten by unidentified men using baseball bats. In Bratsk,
Irkutsk region, unidentified masked men kidnapped the 16-year-old daughter
of the head of the local Communist Party branch office. They released her
with a message for her mother: “Quit the campaign, or we'll kidnap her for
real”.

Several prominent Russian news organizations, including *The New Times* and
*Kommersant *newspapers, as well as *Echo *of Moscow radio, saw their
websites crash under apparent denial-of-service attacks just before polling
stations opened, leaving them unable to report on the growing number of
complaints about irregularities at polling stations. Small protests broke
out on the streets of Moscow and other cities, and the approaches to the
Kremlin and Red Square were blocked on Sunday night by rows of Interior
Ministry soldiers and troop carriers.

The rigging was blatant. The slogan of the day was: “Vote early and vote
often.” *The Economist* reported:

“Throughout the day young people in identical white coats were ferried
between polling stations—some voting more than a dozen times, according to
Russian journalists. I saw several organised groups casting ballots in
different polling stations with distant voting permits.”

In some regions the sum of votes cast for all parties exceeded 140%. In
Chechnya, ruled by a Putin stooge, Ramzan Kadyrov, United Russia’s result
was 99.5% - just as in the good old days of the Soviet Union! It is perhaps
appropriate that a similar result was achieved in a Moscow psychiatric
hospital.

Russians know that parties like Zhirinovsky’s LDPR and Just Russia are in
the Kremlin’s pocket and will vote with United Russia in parliament. Just
Russia, which masquerades as a “Social Democratic” party, was in fact set
up by Putin to take votes away from the CPRF. Gennady Gudkov, a senior
member of Just Russia, admitted in a sudden attack of sincerity: “We are
losing votes to the Communist Party, who people think of as more of an
opposition party because it doesn’t have a history of cooperation with the
authorities like we sadly do.”

Even before the counting was complete, the party’s leader Mironov said he
“did not rule out” a coalition with United Russia. Zyuganov has apparently
made similar statements. All this lifts the curtain behind which the dirty
game of political intrigue is being constantly played out in Russia.

Despite all the dirty tricks and vote-rigging, the Kremlin’s campaign to
maintain the current ruling clique in power has gone badly wrong. All the
manoeuvres and vote-rigging has failed to prevent a spectacular decline in
the vote for Putin’s party.
The CPRF

By one of those ironies with which history is so rich, the Soviet Union
collapsed 20 years ago this week. Yet the main winner in Sunday’s election
was the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. This was no accident.
Reuters yesterday carried an article with the title: *Russian communists
win support as Putin party fades*. It comments:

“Just 20 years ago, they seemed consigned to the dustbin of history. [...]
The Communist Party (CPRF) for most Russians evokes images of bemedaled war
veterans and the elderly poor deprived of pensions and left behind in a
‘New Russia’ of glitzy indulgence. Large swathes of society have appeared
beyond the reach of the red flag and hammer and sickle.”

But Sunday’s vote has changed this perception. The CPRF doubled its vote to
about 20 percent and is now the second largest party in the Duma. Not that
this expresses any great enthusiasm for the policies of Zyuganov. Many
people do not trust the party because of its past and because of Zyuganov’s
manoeuvres. So how is this vote to be explained? The answer is not
difficult to find. The vote for the CPRF reflects a growing undercurrent of
discontent in Russian society with all that has happened in the last two
decades.

The end of the Soviet Union led to an unprecedented economic collapse and
the wholesale plundering of the state by big business. The result was the
rule of wealthy and corrupt oligarchs, who fought for the division of the
spoils looted from the Russian people. After the economic collapse of 1998
there was a certain revival mainly based on the export of Russian oil and
gas. Huge fortunes were made by a few, but most Russians were left in a
state of poverty. The levels of inequality soared.

Russia was hard hit by the crisis of 2008, but the economy is beginning to
recover, and expected to grow at around 4-4.5% this year. But Russia’s 143
million people have not seen much benefit from this growth. They have seen
their living standards eroded by high prices, a slowdown in real wage
growth, a crumbling welfare state and unemployment. They compare this to
the vast riches of the oligarchs, huge and growing inequality and obscene
corruption at the top.

The benefits of recovery are being skimmed off by the business elite around
the Kremlin. The people of Russia have now got the worst of all worlds: the
chaos, exploitation and inequality of capitalism and the corrupt,
authoritarian and bureaucratic state left over from Stalinism. The Russian
blogosphere compares Putin’s party to the old CPSU of Stalinist times. One
popular image shows the face of an aged Putin's face superimposed on a
portrait of the decrepit Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev.

The ruling party is hated, but people who wish to protest against it do not
have much choice. The regime has made it impossible for small parties to
register, so the smaller Communist Parties like the Russian Communist
Workers’ Party (RKRP) are excluded. Just Russia is widely seen as a puppet
of the Kremlin (although in Petersburg they got more votes than the CPRF).
The CPRF has gained for the simple reason that there is no alternative.

For many Russians disillusioned by rampant corruption and a widening gap
between rich and poor, the communists represented the only credible
opposition to Putin’s United Russia. Partly it is a question of
organizational superiority. When the Soviet Union collapsed, the party
retained a strong national organization based on regions and workplaces.
Most of the others are parties in name only. The nationalist LDPR is built
around one man, the right wing demagogue Vladimir Zhirinovsky. Other
parties lack national structure.

One Western banker in Moscow is quoted by Reuters as saying: “The
Communists are the only real party out there.” “United Russia is a joke,
Just Russia is a joke and the LDPR is a joke and many people know it. So
they vote communist because they realize it is a real vote for the
opposition and against United Russia.”

“United Russia has angered everybody and people are looking for an
alternative,” said Alexander Kurov, 19, a student of physics in Moscow told
Reuters: “I don't particularly like the communists but there is no one else
(to vote for) and I don't want my vote to be stolen.” “They are a different
party than in Soviet times,” Anna, 21, a student of mechanics at the Moscow
State University, said. “I have a lot of friends who are activists for the
Communists Party. It’s become popular.”

Even a layer of the middle class and professional people, disillusioned
with Putin and the Kremlin clique, is turning to the CPRF. Reuters quotes
the words of a young woman, Yulia Serpikova, 27, a freelance location
manager in the film industry: “With sadness I remember how I passionately
vowed to my grandfather I would never vote for the Communists. It's sad
that with the ballot in hand I had to tick the box for them to vote against
it all.”

The success of the CPRF undoubtedly reflects disenchantment with Putin and
his party. But that is only part of the story, however. For many Russian
workers, the old Soviet Union, for all its faults, was far preferable to
what they have now. The idea is widespread, especially in the provinces far
from Moscow and Petersburg: “Things were better before.”

This mood must be widespread among older workers, but it is beginning to
find a reflection in a layer of the youth, as shown by one contributor to
the CPRF's chat forum, who offered a new genre of “communist cool” with a
rap composition, the words of which are interesting:

Want to get back what they took from me
Free schooling ain’t no free lunch
Free medicine is my right, you see
What matters to you? Whose side you on?
Want to help your country
So it's our choice and it's our rap
So we go vote for the CPRF

A sea-change in Russia

In retrospect, these elections will be seen as a sea-change in Russian
politics. Slowly but surely, the working class is recovering from the
apathy, trauma and disorientation that followed the collapse of the USSR.
Beneath the surface there is a growing mood of anger, frustration and rage.
There is a burning hatred for the ruling clique and the bloated oligarchy
that has enriched itself at the expense of the majority of Russians.

The fate of Russia is now firmly tied to the vicissitudes of the world
capitalist market, which is sliding inexorably in the direction of a new
and even deeper slump. A further collapse of demand in Europe and the
United States will mean steep falls in the price of oil and gas and the
other raw materials that are the mainstay of the Russian economy. Falling
living standards and unemployment will throw petrol onto the flames of the
rage that is already felt by millions of ordinary Russians.

“People are sick and tired of Putin,” said Yevgenia Albats, editor in chief
of *The New Times*, a pro-opposition newspaper in Moscow. “They turn on the
TV and they see Putin, Putin, Putin, and at the same time they see don’t
see their lives improving significantly.” The anger is growing and dissent
is becoming bolder and more vocal. Recently, Putin was jeered during an
appearance at a mixed-martial-arts match in Moscow – clear evidence
Russians had turned on the “strongman” in the Kremlin.

The idea that Putin cannot be defeated has now been punctured. And the CPRF
has emerged clearly as the only alternative. One CPRF Deputy hailed the
victory as “a new political reality” on Sunday evening. That remains to be
seen. The CPRF has yet to establish its credentials as a real opposition
party. But in spite of the policies of Zyuganov, support for the CPRF will
grow for the simple reason that there is no alternative.

Putin’s plan to return to the presidency next year faces a more serious
challenge following his stunning electoral setback in Sunday’s elections.
After the election, Medvedev said that they should re-introduce the rule
allowing people to vote “against all”. This is intended to take votes away
from opposition parties like the CPRF. This is an expression of the
desperation of the ruling clique. The Kremlin will do everything in its
power to prevent genuine opposition candidates from registering. But if
they try to hold onto power by rigging the elections again, that can have
even more explosive consequences.

The crisis of the regime will deepen in the next period. The leaders of
United Russia will be fighting like cats in a sack, with Putin trying to
put the blame on the others for all his problems. These divisions at the
top are a distorted reflection of the growing tensions in Russia society,
and they will further increase the tension and discontent in society.

Recently *The Financial Times* carried a long article about Russia in which
it compared the present situation to the position just over 20 years ago –
just before the collapse of the Soviet Union. After two decades of gangster
capitalism the people of Russia are disenchanted with the joys of market
economics. The vote last Sunday was a massive vote of no confidence, not
just in Putin and the Kremlin crew but in the entire economic and political
system.

The recent election results were only a very muted reflection of the
widespread anger that is reaching boiling point. Western observers fear
that the anger that is building up will sooner or later erupt onto the
streets of Russian cities. Business New Europe expressed these fears when
it wrote after the elections:

“[...] ruling Russia by presidential fiat rather than debate amongst
parties increases the likelihood of some sort of revolution, as the people
are excluded from the political process entirely and have nowhere to blow
off steam except on the street.” (http://www.bne.eu/)

*The crisis of the regime and the political intrigues and electoral
combinations are only a caricature expression of the insoluble social
contradictions and the discontent that is building up beneath the surface.
The longer Putin and his clique try to hang onto power, the more explosive
the contradictions will become. What happened in Tunisia and Egypt can
happen also in Russia.*

*London 6th December 2012*


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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