Today’s Video: Coup in Haiti
 February 29th is a date that appears every four
years<http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-17203353>in order to
compensate for the discrepancy between the 365 days of the
yearly calendar and the slightly longer time it takes the Earth to make one
trip around the sun. For Haitians, this unique date on the calendar has a
major significance.

On this date two leap years
ago<http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/3519821.stm>Jean Bertrand
Aristide was ousted for the second time from the Haitian
presidency. The coup d’état against him came after three weeks of attacks
by a rebel army formed by armed gangs and dissident military troops.

The role of several international actors in the coup such as the French and
Canadian governments continues to be a source of controversy since Aristede
left Haiti in 2004. For instance, the U.S. State Department claimed that
his ouster was “facilitated” by Marines based on his request. Days after he
left Haiti Aristede alleged that he was forced to leave in order to “avoid
bloodshed.”<http://articles.cnn.com/2004-03-01/world/aristide.claim_1_haitian-rebels-haitian-president-haiti-james-foley?_s=PM:WORLD>

Aristede’s many detractors including “business leaders (and) landowners”
claimed that he was an authoritarian
ruler<http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/2004-02-17-17-aristide_x.htm>who
allowed corruption to run rampant under his administration. Yet for
his
supporters, such as several hundred protesters who rallied
today<http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/46574121/#.T05gPMzISHs>in
Port-Au-Prince, Aristede’s successors have done little to calm
political
tensions or improve the economy of the Western Hemisphere’s most
impoverished country.

The following video <http://youtu.be/P77s-SeA8rs> is the trailer to a 2005
documentary entitled Aristide and The Endless Revolution. Directed by
Nicolas Rossier, the film examined the events leading up to the 2004 coup
as well as the consequences of that event in Haiti:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P77s-SeA8rs&feature=player_embedded

Aristede lived in exile in South Africa for seven years before retuning to
Haiti in March 
2011<http://ourlatinamerica.blogspot.com/2011/03/reports-aristede-en-route-to-haiti.html>
.

Earlier this week the Haitian government denied rumors that a judicial
investigation<http://www.haitilibre.com/en/news-5046-haiti-justice-initiation-of-investigation-on-jean-bertrand-aristide.html>was
opened against Aristede.

Video Source – YouTube via Baraka Productions
http://ourlatinamerica.blogspot.com/2012/02/todays-video-coup-in-haiti.html

  Also Read: *Faux pas or
scheme?<http://www.haiti-liberte.com/archives/volume5-33/Faux%20pas%20or%20scheme.asp>
The Curious Case of the  “Warrants” against Aristide
What was the role of Henri
Céant?<http://www.haiti-liberte.com/archives/volume5-33/Faux%20pas%20or%20scheme.asp>
*

<http://www.addthis.com/bookmark.php?v=250&winname=addthis&pub=ra-4dc6a5353a5f132f&source=tbx-250&lng=en&s=blogger&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.haiti-liberte.com%2Farchives%2Fvolume5-33%2FClass%2520Analysis.asp&title=Class%20Analysis%20of%20a%20Crisis%3A%20What%20Lies%20Behind%20PM%20Conille%E2%80%99s%20Resignation%3F&ate=AT-ra-4dc6a5353a5f132f/-/-/4f4ebecb302b7ed8/1/4f4e6d3b9044df55&frommenu=1&ips=1&uid=4f4e6d3b9044df55&ct=1&pre=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.haiti-liberte.com%2F&tt=0&captcha_provider=recaptcha><http://www.haiti-liberte.com/archives/volume5-33/Class%20Analysis.asp#><http://www.addthis.com/bookmark.php?v=250&winname=addthis&pub=ra-4dc6a5353a5f132f&source=tbx-250&lng=en&s=delicious&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.haiti-liberte.com%2Farchives%2Fvolume5-33%2FClass%2520Analysis.asp&title=Class%20Analysis%20of%20a%20Crisis%3A%20What%20Lies%20Behind%20PM%20Conille%E2%80%99s%20Resignation%3F&ate=AT-ra-4dc6a5353a5f132f/-/-/4f4ebecb302b7ed8/2/4f4e6d3b9044df55&frommenu=1&ips=1&uid=4f4e6d3b9044df55&ct=1&pre=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.haiti-liberte.com%2F&tt=0&captcha_provider=recaptcha><http://www.addthis.com/bookmark.php?v=250&winname=addthis&pub=ra-4dc6a5353a5f132f&source=tbx-250&lng=en&s=google&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.haiti-liberte.com%2Farchives%2Fvolume5-33%2FClass%2520Analysis.asp&title=Class%20Analysis%20of%20a%20Crisis%3A%20What%20Lies%20Behind%20PM%20Conille%E2%80%99s%20Resignation%3F&ate=AT-ra-4dc6a5353a5f132f/-/-/4f4ebecb302b7ed8/3/4f4e6d3b9044df55&frommenu=1&ips=1&uid=4f4e6d3b9044df55&ct=1&pre=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.haiti-liberte.com%2F&tt=0&captcha_provider=recaptcha><http://www.haiti-liberte.com/archives/volume5-33/Class%20Analysis.asp#>
11 <http://www.haiti-liberte.com/archives/volume5-33/Class%20Analysis.asp#>

*Class Analysis of a Crisis:
What Lies Behind PM Conille’s Resignation? *
 *by Kim Ives
 *

[image: ...]

The sudden Feb. 24 resignation of Haitian Prime Minister Garry Conille is
just the latest episode in a sharpening class struggle for political power
between three sectors: Washington, the neo-Duvalierists, and the Haitian
masses.

Conille, a medical doctor and formerly one of UN Special Envoy to Haiti
Bill Clinton’s chiefs of staff, was imposed as Prime Minister on President
Michel Martelly last October by Washington. He was a “*technocrat*” similar
to his immediate predecessor, Jean-Max Bellerive, former President René
Préval’s last prime minister. Both men are knock-offs of Bellerive’s
mentor, Marc Bazin, a former World Bank economist who was imposed as
Finance Minister on Jean-Claude “*Baby Doc*” Duvalier in 1982. Washington
had sent Bazin – dubbed at the time “*Mr. Clean*” – to rein in rampant
Duvalierist corruption, which was siphoning off, into Swiss bank accounts,
millions of dollars from U.S. and international financial institution (IFI)
aid packages sent to build infrastructure to service North American
corporate interests, principally cheap-labor assembly industries. But,
after only six months of house-cleaning, Bazin was forced to resign, much
like Conille.



Martelly’s clique – whose *chefs de file *are Foreign Minister Laurent
Lamothe and Interior Minister Thierry Mayard-Paul – represents a resurgent
neo-Duvalierist sector, which has a different agenda than the servile
technocrats. They seek to establish Haiti as a sort of *chasse gardée *for
their business interests and corruption, rejecting oversight by Washington
and the IFIs. This was the model of their fathers, who were by and large
prominent Duvalierists, the political representatives of Haiti’s *grandons*,
or big landowners.



François “Papa Doc” Duvalier and his son often had a prickly relationship
with Washington during their 29 year dictatorship (1957-1986), not because
of any progressive tilt, but because their economic base – the *grandon *class,
as direct exploiters of the peasantry – was independent of, and to some
extent in conflict with, U.S. capitalist interests.



Although Washington facilitated Papa Doc’s electoral victory in 1957 (just
as it did Martelly’s in 2011), Papa Doc – a student of Machiavelli’s
handbook on political intrigue, *The Prince *– began to veer away from
Washington’s control soon after coming to power.



[image: ...] In 1962, Washington sent a small U.S. Marine force to
exercise, train, and beef up the Haitian Army (which had been its proxy
since the end of the 1915-1934 U.S. military occupation) in an effort to
intimidate and reassert control over their unruly pawn. Instead, Duvalier
used the military aid to reinforce his Volunteers for National Security
(VSN), better known as the “*Tonton Macoutes*” or Uncle Knapsack, a
folklore figure who carries off children in the night.



Duvalier subdued the Haitian Army (later Macoutizing it) and expelled the
U.S. troops, earning him the enmity of the Kennedy and Johnson
administrations.



Papa Doc and, to a slightly lesser extent, his son assumed a faux
nationalist stance, in essence telling Washington that they were in charge
of this neo-colony (although they’d share the spoils for a price) and would
run it as they saw fit. The result was an uneasy alliance, because
Washington needed and valued the Duvaliers’ fierce anti-communist purges
and posture as a bulwark against the revolution in neighboring Cuba.

            [image: ...]
Martelly is trying to replay some of Duvaliers’ tactics, working to
re-establish the Macoutized Army and flirting with the Venezuela-led ALBA
alliance, much as Papa Doc would get his way by threatening Washington that
he might ally with Cuba. (An ALBA meeting is scheduled to take place in
Jacmel on Mar. 2-3).



Washington and its allies stopped short of publicly scolding Martelly for
Conille’s removal but made their strong disapproval clear. The U.S. Embassy
bemoaned the loss of Conille’s “*perspicacity and energy*” which he “*devoted
to the betterment of the Haitian people’s living conditions.*” Canadian
Foreign Minister John Baird said that “*Canada deeply regrets*” Conille’s
resignation, which meant the loss of “*a competent leader, a friend of
Canada, and a man who embodies hope,*” saying it would “*increase
instability*” in Haiti. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon expressed “*concern
*” about the resignation, while the Chilean head of the UN Mission to
Stabilize Haiti (MINUSTAH) Mariano Fernández Amunátegui said that “*the
resignation of Dr. Garry Conille shows, unfortunately, that rifts have
overtaken reconciliation to the detriment of the country.*”



Pastor Edouard Paultre of the Haitian Council of Non-State Actors (CONHANE)
is an unofficial Haitian mouthpiece of “*the international community.*” He
expressed more forthrightly what the diplomats did not. “*The Prime
Minister resigned because of big cases of corruption,*” he said. “*We are
faced with a power which does not really want to fight corruption in the
country.*”



Meanwhile, the Haitian masses watch the spectacle of this
imperialist/Duvalierist rivalry with a combination of glee and dread,
fearing the repression which may be unleashed. Haitian grassroots groups
have held demonstrations and press conferences several times weekly to
denounce, among other things, the continuing UN military occupation of
Haiti, the relaunch of the Haitian Army (which is informally training and
rearming in camps nationwide), and Martelly’s non-prosecution of Baby Doc
for crimes against humanity (the former “*President for Life*” has been
back in Haiti since January 2011).



On Feb. 17, just before Carnival, students clashed with pro-Martelly goons
when the president crashed an international conference at the State
University’s Ethnology School. Several students were wounded and arrested,
while the goons smashed car windshields and university property.

The fiercest attacks dogging Martelly are being led by Senator Moïse
Jean-Charles, a firebrand former peasant organizer allied with former
President Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s Lavalas Family. Despite Aristide’s
extremely low public profile since his return from a seven-year exile last
March (he has never even left his home), the party remains, 16 years after
its founding, the foremost political voice and hope of the Haitian masses.



Moïse, along with a growing alliance of parliamentarians, has charged
Martelly, his family, and his clique with a wide array of corrupt
practices, from $20,000 per diem expense accounts on frequent trips to the
brazen embezzlement of funds for phantom projects from the state bank
(see *Haïti
Liberté*, Vol. 5, No. 25, 1/4/2012).



But Moïse’s most persistent, and politically lethal, charge is that
Martelly is (or was) a U.S. citizen, which, if true, would be a flagrant
violation of the 1987 Haitian Constitution and open the president up for
impeachment.



Last week, Moïse wrested back control of the Senate Commission
investigating Martelly’s nationality (and that of 39 other high government
officials) from two Martelly allies –  Senators Joseph Lambert and Youri
Latortue – who had been impeding the investigation.

Martelly has been infiltrating former Army officers, policemen, and
death-squad paramilitaries into the state intelligence and security
apparatus, while assembling in Florida a “*hit team*” to eliminate
troublesome parliamentarians, according to one inside source (see *Haïti
Liberté,* Vol. 5, No. 31, 2/15/2012).



The volatility of this three-way scrimmage was evidenced this week when
rumors began on Feb. 25 that the Martelly government had issued a warrant
to arrest Aristide and eight others on a collection of corruption and drug
trafficking charges that were concocted in 2004 by the post-coup de facto
regime. Popular outrage was swift and loud. Radio call-in shows were
dominated by irate listeners, and the giant Port-au-Prince slum of Cité
Soleil saw hundreds mobilize on the night of Feb. 27. That same evening,
the Justice Ministry issued a “*formal denial*” of the “*fanciful rumors*”
that the government had issued warrants for Aristide’s arrest.



While Washington and the neo-Duvalierists have their differences, they
agree on one thing: the Haitian masses in general, and the Lavalas Party in
particular, must not hold political power. This is where the danger lies.



If Sen. Moïse and his parliamentary allies are successful in dislodging
Martelly (which might only push the besieged president to use the
repressive forces he’s arrayed), it might lead to early elections, which
the newly reorganizing Lavalas Family could be well positioned to win, as
they’ve won all electoral contests in which they’ve ever participated. (The
party had been banned from elections since the 2004 coup.)



Herein lies Washington’s dilemma: should it help to push out an
increasingly mercurial Martelly if it might set the stage for the Lavalas
Family, and the Haitian masses, from regaining some measure of political
power?



The U.S. may have hoped that Martelly would publish Haiti’s amended
Constitution (as Conille and Paultre had urged), whereby the Prime Minister
would assume the Presidency in the event of a presidential vacancy (the
Supreme Court head steps in under the 1987 charter). But now Conille is out
of the picture (although he remains acting PM until his replacement is
named). Martelly has proposed three of his closest aides to fill the post:
Lamothe, Mayard-Paul, and Anne Valérie Timothée Milfort, his appointee to
the Interim Haiti Recovery Commission (IHRC). That agency, which was
co-headed by Bill Clinton, saw its mandate expire in October, and it has
not been renewed, another neo-Duvalierist foot-drag that irks Washington.

Finally, MINUSTAH, the principal enforcer of Washington’s agenda in this
high-stakes political game, sees its existence threatened. UN officials
have said they need until 2016 to create a “*secure and stable environment*”
in Haiti. However, the neo-Duvalierists want to supplant the UN troops with
their own Macoutized force, while the Haitian masses want UN troops out
immediately, principally because in October 2010 UN Nepalese troops
inadvertently imported cholera, starting an epidemic which has now killed
over 7,000 and sickened over half a million. There are also almost monthly
cases of UN soldiers sexually assaulting Haitian minors, all of which have
gone unprosecuted.



MINUSTAH’s increasingly tenuous position and Martelly’s increasingly
erratic behavior prompted the entire UN Security Council to make an
unprecedented visit to Haiti from Feb. 13-16. Tellingly, the delegation was
led by U.S. Ambassador to the UN Susan Rice rather than (as protocol would
dictate) the Council’s President, who during February was the Togolese
Ambassador.



 Haiti has seen this troubled scenario before. In 1986, Washington helped
push Baby Doc out of power, confident that it could buy ensuing elections
and insert their chosen candidate, Marc Bazin, in the presidency.
Untarnished elections couldn’t be held until 1990, when the technocrat
Bazin’s main opponent appeared to be a feared Duvalierist and former leader
of the Tonton Macoutes, Roger Lafontant, who was later disqualified.
Washington thought it had the election in the bag.



But the strategy foundered when a parish priest from a Haitian slum, Father
Jean-Bertrand Aristide, entered the race at the last minute, winning with
67% of the vote against Bazin’s 14%, despite being outspent by a factor of
72 to one.



In short, Washington learned the hard way the meaning of the Haitian
proverb, *Ayiti se tè glise*. Haiti is slippery ground.


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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