http://www.marxist.com/women-in-the-paris-commune.htm

 Women in the Paris
Commune<http://www.marxist.com/women-in-the-paris-commune.htm>
Written by Christina Gridley and Carolyn Kemp Thursday, 08 March 2012
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*“We have come to the supreme moment, when we must be able to die for our
Nation. No more weakness! No more uncertainty! All women to arms! All women
to duty! Versailles must be wiped out!” These were the words of Nathalie
Lemel, participant in the Paris Commune of 1871, and member of the Union
des Femmes pour la Defense de Paris et les Soins aux Blesses (The Union of
Women for the Defense of Paris and Aid to the Wounded).*

[image: from "Le Chambard Socialiste," by Théophile-Alexandre
Steinlen]from "Le Chambard Socialiste," by Théophile-Alexandre
SteinlenSuch
a bold statement is quite contrary to the demur and frailty that is
attributed to women of that time period. These were militant women fighting
for the gains of the working class in the Paris Commune. In honor of
International Working Women’s Day, we would like to highlight the efforts
and achievements made by the working women during the Commune. Women like
Louise Michel, Elisabeth Dmitrieff, André Léo, Anne Jaclard, Paule Mink,
and Nathalie Lemel, organized secular schools, ambulance services, and work
cooperatives, as well as taking up arms for the revolution. The working
women of the Commune fought for women’s rights on a class basis, and
defended the revolution with their very lives.

The times leading up to the Paris Commune were difficult for all workers,
but especially for women. It was typical for a woman to work 13 hours a
day, six days a week. Even still, the wages she received for that work were
woefully shy of the cost of living at the time, even if her wages were
added to her husband’s. This contradiction drove many working women to
prostitution. The Franco-Prussian war put further strain on the French
people, particularly during the months-long siege of Paris, when they were
completely blocked off from the outside. This led to soaring inflation and
to long lines to get bread that was scarce, and often mixed with straw and
paper. It was primarily the women who had to stand in these lines and
literally fight for the bread needed to feed their families. This laid the
basis for the militancy that was seen amongst women during the Commune, who
led the charge on many occasions.

After the French armies of Emperor Louis Bonaparte were defeated by the
Prussians, the Parisian workers rose up and declared a republic. However,
power fell into the hands of the right-wing representatives of the
bourgeoisie. On March 18, the reactionary leader of the new government,
Adolphe Thiers, sent troops to take cannons out of Paris in the middle of
the night. His aim was to disarm the workers and to sell out to the
Prussians. The women of the neighborhood of Montmartre awoke and charged up
the hill where they swarmed and fraternized with the troops, placed
themselves on the cannons, and stopped them from being removed. The troops
were so persuaded by the women and the people’s militia of the National
Guardsmen of Paris that they went over to the people, arresting and firing
upon their own commander.

With this, a situation of dual power developed. Thiers lost control of
Paris and had to flee with the bourgeois government to nearby Versailles.
The workers of Paris declared the Commune, the world’s first workers’
republic. The most advanced elements in the Commune, including hundreds of
women, gathered to march to Versailles in an attempt to stop the bloodshed
and to “tell Versailles that the Assembly [the old government] is not the
law—Paris is!” But the leadership of the Commune vacillated and the
opportunity was lost. By allowing the forces of reaction to regroup, by not
decisively marching on Versailles to crush the enemies of the revolution,
the balance of forces eventually tipped back in favor of the bourgeois and
their representatives, with fatal consequences for tens of thousands of
Communards.
The beginnings of a new society

[image: paris commune]The Commune formed many clubs, which often
commandeered churches to hold their meetings. These meetings had open,
heated discussions, and used direct democracy. A main topic of discussion
in the clubs was anti-clericalism. The working women denounced the way the
churches controlled wealth, mistreated workers, controlled girls’ schools,
and invaded family privacy. It was also suggested by some that the nuns be
thrown into the Seine River, while others requested that all priests be
arrested until the end of the war.

Many of the workers in France were influenced by the proto-anarchist
Proudhon, who believed that the proper place for women was either as
“housewife or harlot,” and by no means as part of the workforce. He even
put forth a series of “equations” to illustrate that women were physically,
intellectually, and morally inferior, and should therefore keep to child
rearing and nothing else. This, along with the generally backwards
attitudes of many men at that time, including many advanced workers, led to
the French section of the First International presenting a memorandum
against women participating in the workforce. Nonetheless, there were
several women in France who belonged to the International, and this line of
thinking had nothing to do with the ideas of Marx and Engels, its key
leaders, who were doing their best to keep up with events from London.
Louise Michel and the Montmartre Vigilance Committee

Another important group was the Montmartre Vigilance Committee, which was
divided into a men’s section and a women’s section. Louise Michel, one of
the most inspiring figures of the Commune, belonged to both. The Vigilance
Committee held workshops, recruited ambulance nurses, gave aid to wives of
soldiers, sent speakers to the clubs, and hunted draft dodgers who refused
to serve in the people’s militia. Louise Michel was elected as its
president, and served as a fighter and medical worker in the 61st Battalion
during the Commune.

Before the Commune was elected, Michel offered to go to Versailles to shoot
Thiers herself, but was dissuaded for fear of retribution. Nevertheless,
she went to Versailles just to prove she could come back unscathed.

[image: 
paris-commune2]<http://www.marxist.com/images/stories/women/paris-commune2.jpg>During
the Commune, Michel sent a letter to the mayor of Montmartre with a series
of demands, including the abolishment of brothels, that the Bell of
Montmartre be melted down to make a cannon to defend the workers’
neighborhoods, and to requisition abandoned houses and the wine and coal
within them to set up shelters and provide for the old, infirm, and
children of Montmartre. Some men in the Commune did not want to allow
prostitutes to be ambulance workers, saying “the wounded must be tended by
clean hands,” but Michel saw the necessity of involving these women in the
work of the Commune and recruited them to help in this work. After the fall
of the Commune, Thiers’ forces fought their way through Paris and murdered
tens of thousands of Communards over a period of several weeks. Michel
fought on the barricades at the cemetery of Montmartre during the “Bloody
Week,” and was subsequently arrested and deported to New Caledonia along
with Nathalie Lemel.
*The Union des Femmes*

Elisabeth Dmitrieff was born in Russia and co-founded the Russian section
of the First International. Active in the Narodnik movement, Dmitrieff was
sent to London to work with Marx and study the London worker’s movement.
After the declaration of the Paris Commune, the London General Council
decided to send Dmitrieff as one of two envoys to the Commune.

After meeting with other working women active in the Commune, she saw the
need to organize the working women of Paris to defend the Commune at the
barricades, ambulance stations, and canteens, as well as to fight for
socialist measures that would emancipate working women from exploitation.
This led to the setting up of the “Women’s Union,” the *Union des Femmes*.

Nathalie Lemel joined the Union [4.] after its formation and, as a book
binder, had a wealth of experience in the Parisian labor movement, in
addition to being a member of the First International. The influence of
Lemel’s labor and strike experience is instantly recognizable in the work
of the *Union*.

The first meeting of the Union [6.] took place on April 11, after an Appeal
to the Women Citizens of Paris was put up on the walls of the city and
published in the papers. A provisional Central Committee was appointed
which included Dmitrieff and seven other working women. The *Union des
Femmes* was made up of working-class women and was part of the First
International. It was organized around citywide associations, with a
central committee and a paid executive committee. All positions were
democratically elected and recallable by the union members.

Each *arrondissement* (mayoral district of Paris) had *Union* committees
for recruiting militant working women, for finances, and for summoning the
members to defend the Commune at any given moment. The *Union* financed
itself with dues as well as money it received from the central bodies of
the Commune. After the executive committee was paid, they used the
remaining money to help support ill and/or impoverished members of their
union, as well as to buy weapons for defense of the Commune.

The *Union des Femmes *represented the most advanced layer of the working
women of Paris. They consistently showed their militancy and willingness to
fight to defend the gains of the Paris Commune. On May 3, a poster was put
up throughout Paris calling for an armistice with Versailles and signed by
an anonymous group of “Citizens.” The *Union* responded days later with a
militant manifesto decrying an armistice with the counterrevolution and
demanding the right of the working women of the Commune to take up arms
alongside the men in defense of the revolution, saying: “Women of Paris
will prove to France and to the world that they too, at the moment of
supreme danger—at the barricades and at the ramparts of Paris, if the
reactionary powers should force her gates—they too know how, like their
brothers, to give their blood and their life for the defense and triumph of
the Commune, that is, the People.” This manifesto flies in the face of
anyone who doubts the courage and ability of women in revolutionary battle.

Because so many of the business owners had fled Paris, many working women
found it difficult to find jobs. The *Union* presented the Commission for
Labor and Exchange with a request for immediate work making uniforms for
the National Guard militia, and a long-term request to form a Federation of
Women’s Associations. This document, signed by Dmitrieff, clearly displayed
the internationalist, socialist character of the *Union des Femmes* while
rejecting bourgeois feminism: “An end to all competition between male and
female workers—their interests are identical and their solidarity is
essential to the final worldwide strike of labor against capital.”

The document also stated that every member was to be a member of the First
International. The Central Committee was to liaison with foreign
organizations for product exchange, and the *Arrondissement *Committees
would enroll women workers to keep track of occupations, as well as women
who work at home. The federation would be made up of five members of each
Arrondissement [16. italicize] Committee. On May 17, the *Union* put out an
appeal to working women to meet on the 18th with the objective of setting
up a Federal Chamber of Working Women. The final drafting of the syndicate
and federal chambers took place at the Hôtel de Ville on May 21.

The *Union des Femmes* also fought for the working women of the Paris
Commune by demanding equal pay for women, the right to divorce, education
for girls, and much more. To help the worker cooperatives that sprang up
during the Commune compete with independent businesses, the *Union* made an
organizational plan for cashiers and accountants of these cooperatives, to
help them formulate price and wage structures during the transition from
capitalism to a socialist future. They also fought to end the distinction
between “legitimate” and “illegitimate” children. A pension was enacted for
wives or “concubines” of dead National Guardsmen, as well as each of her
children—“legitimate” or not. Orphans were to receive an education at the
expense of the Commune. In short, many measures were enacted that benefited
the working women of Paris directly. On the day before Versailles troops
entered Paris to crush the Commune in blood, equal pay for men and women
workers was declared. But this advanced reform was lost along with the
Commune, and still remains unrealized in most of the world to this day.
Bourgeois feminism

Bourgeois feminism analyzes the issue of women’s exploitation on a gender
basis, from the standpoint of the oppression of women at the hands of men.
They do not recognize that women workers are a super-exploited layer of the
working class. They applaud bourgeois women for “breaking the glass
ceiling,” or running for president, without understanding or admitting that
these women do not at all represent the interests of working women—who make
up the vast majority of women in society.

The *Union des Femmes* had a very different approach. They analyzed working
women’s oppression on a socialist, working class basis. They understood and
explained that the only way to emancipate women from their exploitative
conditions was to reorganize their work and give *all* workers ownership
and control over the means of production. The only way for working women to
fight their exploitation is on a class basis, inside the labor movement,
and to link the suffering of women to the suffering of the entire working
class.

A U.S. labor party armed with a socialist program could fight for
legislation that would help working women and ease the burden of the
“second unpaid shift.” It would fight for universal, socialized health
care, child care, laundry services, cheap and nutritious community
restaurants, enforcement of anti-discrimination laws, equal pay for work of
equal value, and card-check legislation that would allow more working women
(and men) to organize and join labor unions. These reforms would ease the
dependence of working women on their also-exploited husbands, giving them
financial independence and the ability to escape abusive partnerships. They
would allow men and women to relate to each other on a new basis, as
workers, in solidarity, and in the best interests of society as a whole.

As Marxists, we fight for any reforms that help working women, while at the
same time explaining that the only way to fully emancipate women is to
abolish capitalism. The achievements of the working women of the Paris
Commune cannot be overlooked when discussing women’s issues and are an
important tool in our arsenal.
 History & Theory <http://www.marxist.com/history-and-theory/> »
Topics<http://www.marxist.com/history-and-theory/>» Women
& Marxism <http://www.marxist.com/women/>


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