http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/oct/24/president-obama-social-s
ecurity?newsfeed=true

Why even President Obama won't champion social security


 dean
<http://static.guim.co.uk/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2009/9/22/1253628
854195/dean.jpg> 

 <http://www.guardian.co.uk/profile/deanbaker>  Dean Baker 
guardian.co.uk <http://www.guardian.co.uk/> , Wednesday 24 October 2012 

Although millions of middle-class Americans strongly support social
security, big bucks campaign donors hate it. That's why.

It is remarkable that social security hasn't been a more prominent issue in
the presidential race. After all, Governor Romney has proposed a plan that
would imply cuts of more than 40% for middle-class workers just entering the
labor  <http://www.mittromney.com/issues/social-security> force. Since
social security is hugely
<http://politicalticker.blogs.cnn.com/%202011/07/21/cnnorc-poll-july-18-21-d
ebt-ceiling/> popular across the political spectrum, it would seem that
President Obama could gain an enormous advantage by clearly proclaiming his
support for the program.

But President Obama has consistently refused to rise to the defense of
social security. In fact, in the first debate, he explicitly took the issue
off the table, telling the American people that there is not much difference
between his position
<http://www.huffingtonpost.com/rj-eskow/town-hall-debate_b_1965681.html>  on
social security and Romney's.

On its face, this is difficult to understand. In addition to being good
politics, there are also solid policy grounds for defending social security.
The social security system is perhaps the greatest success story of any
program in US history. By providing a core retirement income, it has lifted
tens of millions of retirees and their families out of poverty. It also
provides disability insurance to almost the entire workforce. The amount of
fraud in the system is minimal, and the administrative costs are less than
<http://www.globalaging.org/pension/us/socialsec/myth.htm>  one 20th as
large as the costs of private-sector insurers.

In addition, the program is more necessary now than ever. The economic
mismanagement of the last two decades has left the baby boomers ill-prepared
for retirement - few have traditional pensions. The stock market crashes of
the last 15 years have
<http://www.huffingtonpost.com/david-callahan/401k-a-perfect-failure_b_15748
34.html> left 401(k)s depleted, and the collapse of the housing bubble
destroyed much of their housing equity, which has always been the main
source of wealth for middle-income families.

It would be great if we had reason to believe that the generations that
followed had better retirement prospects, but we don't. Even in good times,
the 401(k) system does more to enrich the financial industry than to provide
a secure retirement income. Any reasonable projection indicates that social
security will provide the bulk of retirement income for most middle-class
retirees long into the future. In this context, the idea of cutting back
benefits, even for younger workers, seems misguided.

But there is another set of economic considerations affecting the politics
of social security. These considerations involve the economics of the
political campaigns and the candidates running for office. The story here is
a simple one: while social security may enjoy overwhelming support across
the political spectrum, it does not poll nearly as well among the wealthy
people - who finance political campaigns and own major news outlets. The
predominant philosophy among this group is that a dollar in a workers'
pocket is a dollar that could be in a rich person's pocket - and these
people see social security putting lots of dollars in the pockets of people
who are not rich.

Cutting back benefits could mean delays in repaying the government bonds
held by the Trust  <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_Security_Trust_Fund>
Fund. The money to repay these bonds would come primarily from a relatively
progressive income tax revenue. The wealthy certainly don't want to see
changes like raising the cap on wages that are subject to the social
security tax, which is currently
<http://www.pbs.org/wnet/need-to-know/transcripts-full-episode/transcript-oc
tober-12-2012/15143/> just over $110,000.

For this reason, a candidate who comes out for protecting social security
can expect to see a hit to their campaign contributions. They also can
anticipate being beaten up in both the opinion and news sections of major
media outlets. While, in principle, these are supposed to be kept strictly
separate, the owners and/or top management of most news outlets feel no
qualms about removing this separation when it comes to social security - and
using news space to attack those who defend social security.

There is also the flip side to this story. Politicians, especially Democrats
<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/democrats> , who speak up for cuts to
social security can count on lavish praise from the media. Political figures
of no obvious stature, like former Louisiana Senator John
<http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1000403,00.html> Breaux or
former Indiana Senator Evan
<http://www.ontheissues.org/Senate/Evan_Bayh.htm#Social_Security> Bayh, were
lionized in the media for their willingness to cut social security benefits.
After leaving the Senate, both took lobbying positions where they were
almost certainly earning well over $1m a year.

This is the fundamental economics of social security that explains why it
has not figured more prominently in the presidential race. If President
Obama were to rise in defense of the program, he could count on losing the
financial backing of many supporters. He would also get beaten up by the
Washington Post and other major news outlets for challenging their agenda.

Such are the hard economic facts with which President Obama and other
politicians must contend. 

  _____  

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