Fodder for our short term memories.

Don't forget, as long as you wave the flag and pronounce your a patriot,
it is necessary when we do it, though if anyone else does half of that,
they are vile evil terrorists that must be eliminated.

And if your a citizen, you can simply say, I have no power, they don't
represent me... as you are spied on and your safety to go anywhere, not
just within the USA, diminishes.

Your papers Please! and...We don't need no stinking judges, we have
lawyers guns and money.

Scott
***************
<http://www.alternet.org/civil-liberties/american-assassination-history-dummies>

American Assassination History for Dummies

The
 idea that President Obama’s extrajudicial drone-assassinations of
American citizens is "unprecedented" and "radical" is to ignore decades
of recent history.

February 20, 2013  |
              Not Safe for Work Corporation             /               By
Mark Ames

                       It’s
 hard to have a serious conversation about America’s drone assassination
 policy when no one seems to have a basic grasp of recent history. This
cultural amnesia epidemic is starting to get me down— which is partly my
 fault for paying more than two minutes’ attention to Twitter at a
single go.
The problem starts with Reagan, as problems so often
do. Most people on the left take for granted that Reagan’s executive
order 12333 "banned assassinations" — which is not just a false
interpretation, but really awful mangling of one of the dark turning
points in modern American history.
That same ignorance of the
history of assassination policy runs right through today, with the
repetition of another myth: That President Obama’s extrajudicial
drone-assassinations of American citizens is "unprecedented" and
"radical" and that "not even George Bush targeted American citizens."
The truth is a lot worse and a lot more depressing.
To
 understand the backstory to Reagan’s deceptive "assassination ban" in
1981, you have to know a bit about what was going on in the 70s, that
brief period of American Glasnost, in the aftermath of Watergate and the
 military’s collapse after losing Vietnam.
All sorts of dirty Cold
 War secrets were pouring out in that brief period — in late 1974,
Seymour Hersh broke the story that the CIA had been illegally spying on
thousands of American antiwar dissidents inside of our borders, in
violation of the law and the charter that brought the CIA into existence
 . Later, Vice President Rockefeller’s report said the CIA spied on
300,000 Americans.
Remember, the American public and most of the
Establishment back then were very different from today’s. There’s some
truth to the "Liberal Establishment" culture that ruled until Reagan
took over — those people were serious about their do-gooder intentions
and their civic duties and all that, whatever the results on the ground
were — nothing at all like today’s armchair Machiavellis and backseat
Nietzsches who dominate our political culture, a culture where
everyone's jostling to scream "You can’t handle the truth!" at imaginary
 liberal do-gooders...
One of Hersh’s most incredible exposés
focused on an undercover CIA spook who told of how they penetrated the
Weather Underground from very early in the Columbia U protest days,
right up through their nationwide bombing campaign. Which may finally
answer how it was that a handful of upper class Ivy Leaguers managed to
expertly set off bombs all across the country, spring Timothy Leary from
 Vacaville Prison, and "evade" law enforcement officials for so many
years — only to get off with a slap on the wrist when they finally went
up for air.
Ah well, but that’s another story. What started the
assassination policy trend that frames today’s politics was a slip-up by
 President Ford. It’s a real-life Chevy Chase moment, only instead of
stumbling over his podium and crashing to the floor for laughs, the real
 President Ford called a "meet ‘n’ greet" with theNew York Times’ top
editors, wherein the President "slipped" and "blurted out" that he hoped
 they never found out about the CIA assassination program — an
assassination program that none of them had ever seriously suspected
until President Ford blurted it out over lunch. Whoa, Liberty! Down,
boy!
Here’s how the scene is described in the book Challenging the Secret
Government by UC Davis Prof. Kathryn Olmsted:
Toward
 the end of the luncheon, the subject of the Rockefeller Commission came
 up. The Times had criticized the dominance of conservatives on the
commission. Ford explained that he needed men who could be trusted not
to stray from their narrow mission of investigating the CIA’s domestic
activities. Otherwise, he said, they might come up on matters that would
 "ruin the U.S. image around the world" and harm the reputation of every
 U.S. president since Truman.
"Like what?" asked [editor A.M.] Rosenthal, always the hard-nosed reporter.
"Like assassinations!" Ford blurted out, quickly adding, "That’s off the
record."
Doh!
By
 standard mainstream journalism rules, Ford’s "blurt" wasn’t off the
record. But more importantly: fuck the rules, this was bombshell news,
from the highest (and bumblingest) source in the land! Tom Wicker and
Rosenthal both insisted on publishing the scoop — Wicker was convinced
that Ford meant to blurt it out for reasons unknown, it was hard to
imagine someone who spent decades close to J Edgar Hoover and other
intelligence officials could be that unbelievably stupid.
But
cowardice won the day — Wicker and Rosenthal were overruled by the rest
of the Times execs and editors who were there, and they had to sit on
their scoop and watch while a grandstanding jackass (in the good sense)
named Daniel Schorr stole it from under their noses.
Yep, that
crusty old voice on NPR was once one of the pushiest assholes in
journalism. Schorr, who worked for CBS News during the post-Watergate
era, had heard the rumors about Ford’s "assassination gaffe" at the New
York Times. Schorr had assumed that Ford was talking about domestic
assassinations of Americans, but he needed confirmation from someone
high up. So he arranged an off-the-record interview with CIA chief
William Colby, and got another "gaffe" scoop:
Finally,
 I said, as casually as I could, that I had heard President Ford had a
problem about the CIA and assassinations. Colby fell silent.
"Has the CIA ever killed anybody in this country?" I asked directly.
His reply was quick and even: "Not in this country."
"Not
 in this country!" I stared at Colby as it sank in on me that I had been
 on the wrong track, but had now been put unintentionally on the right
one.
Two gaffes, two Chevy Chase fall-on-their-faces
screw-ups buy two of the highest and most experienced
lawyer-intelligence officials in the land. What’re the odds!
Then
again, there really was something of a whiff of failure in the air those
 years — Hell, even our assassins couldn’t hit the side of a barn if
they stood right in front shooting, as Sara Jane Moore and Squeaky
Fromme proved that year, the Lucille Balls of would-be presidential
assassins...
This is where the slapstick ends, and things get
deadly serious and depressing. Over the next several months, the Church
Commission and Pike Commission exposed a number of CIA assassination
plots — in the Congo, Haiti, Chile, Cuba, Indonesia, Dominican Republic,
 who knew where else — and the public reacted with genuine shock and
horror. Not just the public, but most of the Liberal Establishment was
shocked and horrified also — Democrats and Republicans, back when they
had "moderate" and "liberal" Republicans in Congress. Hypocrites, sure,
but after a couple of decades with the Col. Jessups who dominate our
political discourse today, I’d take those old pre-Carter Cold War
liberal hypocrites any day.
The CIA assassination program shocked
the public more than any other revelation from that period. JFK and MLK
conspiracy theories went mainstream. Robert Redford wouldn’t take a
script if he wasn’t being chased by CIA villains. Everyone hated the CIA
 in America, and the fastest way to becoming a hero was being hated
right back — like Daniel Schorr was.
In mid-1975, Schorr was
anointed "CIA Enemy No 1" by none other than ex-CIA director and
silver-spoon fascist Richard Helms himself — which Schorr proudly
recounted in his memoir Clearing The Air:
Though, in a
 sense, my broadcast about assassination plots may have helped to spark
the investigation that had brought Helms back [from Teheran, where Helms
 served as US ambassador], I was not thinking of it in personal terms as
 I waited in the corridor, with three or four other reporters, for him
to emerge from the Vice President’s office and to invite him to be
interviewed before camera staked out in the press room across the hall.
As
 I offered my hand in greeting, with a jocular, "Welcome back," Helms’
face, ashen from strain and fatigue, turned livid. "You
son-o-f-a-bitch!" he raged. "you killer! You cocksucker! ‘Killer Schorr’
 — that’s what they ought to call you!"
In that
atmosphere, in early 1976, President Ford issued executive order 11905 —
 which has been wrongly described over the years as "banning
assassinations," but at the time Ford signed it, 11905 was more properly
 understood as a window dressing largely designed to keep the liberal
activist Democratic Party Congress from legislating changes to the CIA
themselves. (Keep in mind, the Democratic Congress that swept into power
 after Watergate was, for a brief time, aggressively reformist and
nothing like the Democratic Party of today.) Even Ford’s language
banning assassinations or CIA domestic spying left a lot to be
interpreted — a recurruing problem later on, with the exception of
Carter.
Sen. Frank Church, who headed the Church Committee (sort
of a "Truth Commission), dismissed Ford’s "reforms" when they were first
 announced in early March 1976, as Newsweek reported at the time:
"Over-all,
 the President’s proposal is clearly to give the CIA a bigger shield and
 a longer sword with which to stab about," argued Sen. Frank Church.
["Ford’s CIA Shake-Up", Newsweek, March 1, 1976]
Rather
 than creating conditions for greater accountability, Ford centralized
power in the White House — and as Newsweek reported, the biggest
beneficiary of Ford’s reforms (and likely its author) was none other
than new CIA chief George H. W. Bush:
Ford's Executive
 order put its emphasis on a firmer chain of command - starting with the
 President - even though the investigations of most intelligence abuses
have shown them to be the result of White House interference, not
uncontrolled cloak-and-daggering. Might increased Presidential control
lead to more abuses in the future?
"I would hope that the American
 people will elect a President who will not abuse that responsibility,"
Ford said. "I certainly don't intend to."
The biggest beneficiary
of the new plan was CIA director Bush, who now will serve as chairman of
 the new Committee on Foreign Intelligence ... The committee will
control the budgets for all the nation's foreign intelligence operations
 as well as the domestic counterintelligence activities of the FBI.
Finally,
 although Ford technically banned assassinations, his order left a giant
 loophole that could allow the CIA to spy on American dissidents all
over again, as Newsweek reported:
Aside from the ban on assassinations, however, no new limits were set on
covert operations overseas.
Ford
 did set some limits on surveillance, electronic eavesdropping and
infiltration aimed at U.S citizens or groups. But [...] critics said his
 Executive order was ambiguous enough to open the way for domestic
operations previously considered questionable or prohibited by law. The
CIA, for example, illegally opened mail for twenty years; last week Ford
 proposed the agency be given authority to do so under appropriate court
 orders. Under Ford's proposal, a court order would also allow the FBI
and NSA to bug U.S. citizens for intelligence purposes; at present, this
 can be done only in criminal cases.
But then
something went wrong in Bush-Ford’s plans — the curse of the bumbling
American fascist returned, in the form of Gerald Ford’s 1976 campaign
chief, Dick Cheney, who flubbed Ford’s odds-on election victory simply
by being there and putting in his two cents. That meant a do-gooder
peanut farmer named Jimmy Carter was in control at the peak of the last
gasp of Democratic Party liberal activism.
As everyone knows,
Carter’s presidency was one long bummer. But what most people don’t know
 — or have forgotten — is that Carter did more than any president to
bring the national security state under control. Especially the CIA,
which Carter gutted, purged, and chained down with a whole set of
policies and guidelines meant to protect American citizens’ civil
liberties.
In his first year in office, Carter purged nearly 20%
of the Agency’s 4500 employees, gutting the ranks of clandestine
operatives, sending hundreds of dirty trickster vets into the private
sector to seethe for the next few years. Carter signed an executive
order worked out with Frank Church and the Senate committee on
intelligence putting more serious limits on the CIA’s powers —
unequivocally banning assassinations, restricting the CIA’s ability to
spy domestically, and putting their covert operations under strict
oversight under the president, Congressional committees and the attorney
 general. The CIA’s paramilitary was even disbanded, though not banned.
Carter’s
 people understood that real fundamental change in the CIA and national
security state would only come through democratic politics — through
passing laws. He and Sen. Church tried, but they were outmaneuvered and
ground into mulch.
A Washington Post article from the summer of
1978 captured the changing mood, and the first early wave of gloom
setting in with Democrat reformers that their days were over and their
chance was missed:
Two years ago, when David Atlee
Phillips and like-minded defenders of the Central Intelligence Agency
set out on the college lecture circuit, they were routinely confronted
by hecklers and protesters denouncing them as "assassins."
The
climate has changed. The investigations are over. The recriminations
have subsided. The apologists have turned into advocates, urging, even
demanding a stronger hand for the CIA and the rest of the intelligence
community despite the record of abuses.
A comprehensive piece of
legislation, the National Intelligence Reorganization and Reform Act of
1978 (S.2525), has been drafted and debated at Senate hearings for
months now, but all sides dismiss it as nothing more than a talking
paper, a starting point.
Sen. Frank Church (D-Idaho), who served
as the chairman of the original Senate Intelligence Committee and its
unprecedented investigations, thinks it is already too late.
"Reforms
 have been delayed to death," he said in an interview. "This has been
the defense mechanism of the agency and it could easily have been
foreseen . . . Memories are very short. I think the shrewd operators,
the friends of the CIA, recognized that time was on their side, that
they could hold out against legislative action."
And
yet even as comparatively progressive as Carter’s and Church’s proposed
reforms were — this was the brief high point for civil liberties, it’s
all downhill from here — nevertheless, pretty much everyone across the
spectrum hated Carter’s and Church’s reforms for their own reasons, and
Carter did little to inspire.
Carter’s gutting of the CIA and his
new guidelines restricting domestic surveillance by the FBI and other
agencies won him few friends among grandstanding professional liberals.
If anything the country turned against Carter as the world went to shit
around him — Iran, Afghanistan, Nicaragua, Jonestown — paving the way
for Reagan to "restore" American power.
Which brings us to early
1981, and Reagan’s executive order 12333 which has been falsely
described as "banning assassinations" by critics of Bush and now Obama.
Scott Horton, writing in Harpers last year, has a good description:
But
 as with so much U.S. national-security legislation, this order turns
out to be far less than meets the eye. Simplified, [Reagan’s EO] could
be summarized this way: "No one shall be assassinated—unless the
president authorizes it, in which case we will refrain from calling it
an assassination."
But it’s much worse than that.
From
 the minute Reagan’s team took power, they went to work rewriting the
rules to give themselves enormous unlimited power to re-animate the
empire and the national-security state. In early 1981, it didn’t seem
possible that the political culture could slide back so far after all
those hard-won battles; by the end of the year, it was as if there’d
never been a Church Committee or reforms of any kind.
To get a sense of how this developed, here’s a kind of timeline I put
together:
March 10, 1981: "Reagan Administration Weighs Broader CIA Role in Domestic
Spying"
The
 Reagan administration is considering a broad expansion of the CIA's
authority to use break-ins, physical surveillance and covert
infiltration of American groups and businesses, sources say. (AP)
June 15, 1981: "Recouping Under Reagan; CIA Is on the Rebound"
The
 Central Intelligence Agency, whose public image and private morale have
 been battered during much of the past decade, appears to be regaining
some of its lost money, manpower and maneuvering room under the Reagan
administration. (WaPo)
October 13, 1981: "Draft Order May Let CIA Resume Its Police Ties"
The
 Central Intelligence Agency, under a proposed administration order,
apparently could resume many of its ties with local and state police
agencies in addition to embarking on its own infiltrations of domestic
organizations. (WaPo)
October 22, 1981: "Reagan Official Says Carter Overprotected Civil Liberties"
A
 Reagan administration official said Thursday a proposed order relaxing
restrictions on CIA domestic activity is needed to strike a new balance
between civil liberties and national security.
"President Carter
went too far in protecting civil liberties. He erred in placing too many
 restrictions on the intelligence community," the official said at a
briefing held on the condition that his name and position not be used.
(AP)
In December 1981, Reagan signed the executive
order 12333 undoing the previous decades’ reforms with the stroke of a
pen. For cover, Reagan’s people planted fake scare stories through Jack
Anderson about non-existent Libyan assassination squads infiltrating
 U.S. borders, waterskiing their way across the Great Plains to spring
John Hinckley and wreak havoc on the American Way of Life.
And
that is the back story to Reagan’s executive order 12333, the one that
allegedly banned assassinations and allegedly made him so much more
progressive than Bush or Obama.
Reagan not only gave the CIA carte
 blanche in the US to spy, but he also massively expanded the powers of
the FBI and law enforcement to spy on Americans domestically with
another executive order in 1983, paving the way for a repeat of all the
awful abuses uncovered by Sen. Church, which only started coming to
light at the end of Reagan’s presidency.
As reported in the AP on March 7, 1983:
Rules Relaxed On FBI Surveillance
Attorney
 General William French Smith today relaxed the rules governing FBI
surveillance of domestic groups that advocate social change through
violence….
Specifically, the guidelines make these changes:
*
 Allow the FBI to use new informants and infiltrators during a
preliminary inquiry, where there is not yet enough evidence to warrant a
 full investigation. Levi had restricted those techniques to full
investigations.
* Specifically authorize the FBI to continue
low-level monitoring through informants and other means of groups that
have gone dormant and pose no "immediate threat of harm." The FBI had
been closing such investigations when a group went one year without
committing violence.
* Authorize, for the first time, full
investigations based solely on public statements advocating crime or
violence when there is an apparent intent to carry out the threat.
*
 Authorize the FBI to collect publicly available information that
satisfies a law enforcement purpose but does not necessarily involve a
group under investigation.
Cut to: 1988, and we’re on repeat from the 70s, like a bad sitcom, with
scandals and exposes of police state overreach.
Here’s one example from the Chicago Tribune dated January 31, 1988:
SECRET GUIDELINES ALLOWED FBI TO STRETCH PRIVACY LAW, FILES REVEAL
Files
 of an FBI investigation of groups opposing President Reagan's policy in
 Central America show that secret guidelines for national security
investigations gave the agents enormous latitude to delve into the lives
 of Americans who simply had criticized government actions.
The
disclosures from FBI files have raised questions in the public and
Congress about whether the relaxed guidelines, designed to make it
easier for agents to examine groups suspected of trying to "achieve
political or social change" through violence, are a sufficient
protection for individual rights. President Reagan has ordered an
internal review of the FBI surveillance, White House spokesman Marlin
Fitzwater said Friday.
As you can probably guess, the
 Democrats made some noise, complained, opened hearings — but no one had
 the courage or stamina to go through all that again.
Meanwhile,
on the assassination front, here’s a snapshot of what Reagan’s EO 12333
led to. This WaPo article, "Covert Hit Teams Might Evade Presidential
Ban" dated February 12, 1984, needs to be unpacked to understand how
little things have changed in the past three decades:
The
 Reagan administration has debated whether to authorize covert
operations abroad that would allow military or CIA hit teams to secretly
 attack terrorist groups responsible for recent bombings of U.S.
installations. By one account the debate is still going on and no
decision has been made.
[S]ome CIA and military officials argue
that the most effective way to retaliate--with the fewest mistakes and
fewest innocent victims--is through a surgical strike by a hit team, run
 and organized by the United States but probably composed of U.S.
military personnel or even foreign nationals.
Air strikes or
bombardments with 16-inch, one-ton shells from the battleship New Jersey
 do not have the precision of a small hit team with a definite target,
these officials have argued.
One senior intelligence official in
Beirut recently said that air strikes, while in theory more "morally"
acceptable and conventional, have killed many unintentionally.
This
 amazing passage gets right to one of the dark absurdities that informs
our own debate today about how to fight terrorism — that it’s "legal"
and considered essentially "normal" to shell with destroyers or bomb
villages from the air if terrorists are suspected of being in those
villages — but considered completely beyond the pale of civilized
behavior to actually aim and target suspected terrorists.
It was a
 similar debate as this in the Bush years that led to increased use of
drones and targeted assassinations — and now that we’re using drones,
the sense is that the American imperial machine has crossed a Rubicon of
 death and evil unheard of. What Reagan’s war on terror reveals to our
post-Reagan eyes is the absurdity of conducting imperial wars, period —
whatever the choice of weapon is.
And then there’s this black
comedy part of the story — putting the fate of the American imperial
machine and justice in the hands of lawyers and "rule of law"-tards
rather than in the public forum where it belongs:
Those
 officials opposed to using hit teams say it would be assassination.
And, they noted, an executive order concerning the intelligence
community, first signed by President Ford in February 1976 and later
reaffirmed by Presidents Carter and Reagan, prohibits assassination. The
 order says: "No employee of the United States government shall engage
in, or conspire to engage in, political assassination."
One
official said the order could be revoked or simply ignored, arguing that
 covert action against terrorists could be defined as something other
than "political assassination." This apparently could be done in
secrecy. The law does not require the administration to give Congress
prior notification of covert operations.
Both a White House and a
State Department official confirmed last week that the use of a covert
hit team was still being debated. They indicated that if any effort was
made, the CIA would probably not be involved and the action would be
called and considered "military activity" or even a "commando strike."
See
 what happens when you put assassination policy in the hands of lawyers?
 It’s not even assassination anymore — it’s "military activity"! And
terrorists aren’t political targets! And you didn’t support Bush’s
invasion of Iraq, you supported the institutions that supported the
institution of the presidency which decided independently of the
institutions you supported to invade Iraq. Duh!

* * * *
Around
 this time, another revelation about Reagan and assassinations was
discovered by the great investigative reporter Robert Parry working at
the AP: A new CIA training manual for Latin American death squads,
published in 1983, included instructions on various methods of murdering
 and torturing. Hundreds of thousands in Central America were butchered,
 disappeared, raped and tortured during Reagan’s tenure, by death squads
 trained up by our forces. All carried out under Reagan’s alleged "ban"
on assassinations:
The House Intelligence Committee
chairman Wednesday night denounced a CIA psychological warfare manual
produced for Nicaraguan rebels as "repugnant" and a "disaster for U.S.
foreign policy."
The manual advises U.S.-backed Nicaraguan rebels
that some officials of the nation's leftist government can be
"neutralized" with the "selective use of violence" and recommends the
hiring of professional criminals to carry out "selective jobs."
...The
 manual suggests arranging a violent demonstration that will lead to the
 death of one or more rebel supporters and the creation of a "martyr."
It also instructs the rebels in how to coerce Nicaraguans into carrying
out assignments against their will.
Reagan’s people
claimed that the AP got ahold of one of a handful of defective copies of
 the CIA manual, swearing on their grandmothers’ graves that the real
CIA manuals distributed around Latin America made no mention of
assassination.
But as soon as George Bush Sr became president in
1989, he dispensed with whatever remained of the charade with an "aw,
fuck it" attitude — and that was that:
Administration Redefines Ban on Foreign Assassinations
The
 Bush administration, without changing an executive order banning
assassinations of foreign leaders, has chosen to legally interpret
"assassination" as referring only to premeditated political murder,
according to a published report.
Unidentified administration
officials quoted by the Times said the ruling would significantly expand
 the scope of military operations the United States could legally launch
 against terrorists, drug lords or fugitives abroad, the newspaper
reported.
"None of the executive orders defined the term
assassination, which created a lot of confusion," a Pentagon official
said. "This ruling takes away the excuse for indecision.".
Did
 you catch that? Does it even matter anymore? You can already see where
the real problem lies here — the complete absence of any politics,
leaving American democracy at the mercy of lawyers and their various
interpretations of "rule of law."
The Clinton years don’t bring
any improvements — the best you can say about Clinton is that he didn’t
escalate the Reagan-Bush national security state evils to new insane
levels. Instead, he played the liberal by squirting a few for the
hundreds of thousands of Guatemalans massacred under US supervision —
then got his little wars on in Kosovo and cruise-missile attacked Saddam
 Hussein.
Ironically, during one of Clinton’s Baghdad-bombings in
1998, Republicans backed by all the armchair Machiavelli pundit class
started making a bunch of noise demanding Clinton stop pretending once
and for all that we don’t assassinate foreigners, on the theory that
being "hypocritical" about assassinating foreigners is somehow a lot
worse than tearing off our shirts outside the proverbial bar, screaming,
 "Yeah, we assassinate! Whatcha gonna do about it, huh? We’re here,
brah! Not fuckin’ afraid to admit it, we assassinate, cuz that’s how we
roll, brah!"
Clinton, however, chose to stick with his liberal
hypocrite strategy. Ultimately, it made no goddamn difference to his
successor, George W. Bush, but in hindsight you really do have to wonder
 why our culture got so laughably sanctimonious about a "hypocritical"
assassination policy versus what the other side demanded, "at least
being open about it." No one ever explained how being "open" about
assassinations made us more just.

* * * *
Which
brings us to our time. May 4, 2001. George W. Bush just seated himself
in the White House. That same month, who should be lobbying for a bill
granting Dubya unfettered power to assassinate whomever he wants
butlibertarian hero Bob Barr, as reported in the Tulsa World:
Tough guys: Time to get back into the assassination business?
In
 case there was any doubt that the tough guys are back in charge in
Washington, some of the new unilateralists making American policy these
days seem to want to get us officially back into the assassination
business.
[W]e search out individuals who might be inclined to
harm one or more of us -- and we kill them. Rep. Bob Barr of Georgia is
stepping up to that one, and he seems to be doing it on White House
orders or suggestion.
Barr, who wanted to take out President
Clinton last year, has other targets in his sights this time. On Jan. 3,
 he introduced HR 19, "The Terrorist Elimination Act of 2001." It is a
bill, in its own words, "to nullify the effect of certain provisions of
various Executive Orders."
A few months later, Bob Barr’s services were no longer needed by the Bush
Administration.
Which
 brings me to the last part of this attempt at jolting your short-term
memory. One of the other myths informing our feckless and half-baked
debates is the meme going round claiming that President Obama, by
approving extrajudicial assassinations of Americans suspected of being
terrorists, crossed a line that supposedly "even Bush" never dared to
cross.
For example, Wired recently declared:
Like
 the Bush administration before it, the Obama administration white paper
 rejects any geographical restriction on where it can launch its drone
strikes and commando raids. But the Bush administration actually stopped
 short of declaring that it had the authority to kill American citizens.
And Salon’s Joan Walsh expressed outrage over
 the lack of liberal outrage at Obama’s "policies that Bush stopped
short of, like targeted assassination of U.S. citizens loyal to
al-Qaida."
(Walsh’s outrage is shared by other outraged liberals.)
There are more examples of this, but you get the point.
For
 better or for worse — I say for worse — this story doesn’t have a neat
made-for-TV narrative arc of evil. It’s pretty goddamn flat throughout,
excepting the Carter years. And that non-dramatic flat evil holds true
with Obama as well.
First, it’s not true that Americans were not
assassinated by extrajudicial drone or missile attacks during the Bush
years. There are two for sure that we know of: The first American-born
citizen assassinated by a targeted drone attack was Kemal Derwish, blown
 up by a Predator in Yemen in 2002.
As Dana Priest wrote in the Washington Post:
Word
 that the CIA had purposefully killed Derwish drew attention to the
unconventional nature of the new conflict and to the secret legal
deliberations over whether killing a U.S. citizen was legal and ethical.
After
 the Sept. 11 attacks, Bush gave the CIA, and later the military,
authority to kill U.S. citizens abroad if strong evidence existed that
an American was involved in organizing or carrying out terrorist actions
 against the United States or U.S. interests, military and intelligence
officials said. The evidence has to meet a certain, defined threshold.
The person, for instance, has to pose "a continuing and imminent threat
to U.S. persons and interests," said one former intelligence official.
That piece was written in 2010, but early in Bush’s term, articles like
this one from the New York Times in 2003 made it clear that Bush approved
of extrajudicial targeted assassinations of American suspected terrorists:
On
 Nov. 3, 2002, a missile fired from a C.I.A. Predator drone incinerated a
 car carrying six men through the Yemeni desert. The target, according
to government sources, was Qaed Salim Sinan al Harethi, believed to be a
 key Qaeda operative in the Cole attack. But in a report issued Nov. 19
by the Yemen news agency, Saba, the country's interior minister, Maj.
Gen. Rashad al-Alimi, confirmed that one of the passengers was Kamal
Derwish.
Afterward, American officials said the president had the
power to order a strike on Al Qaeda operatives overseas, including
American citizens.
In a recent interview, Mr. Ridge said Mr.
Derwish's death had been discussed within the administration. "If that's
 what you have to do under these circumstances of 9/11 to protect
America," he said, "that's what we have to do."
Ridge’s interview confession to Lowell Bergman can be found at the PBS site.
The second American targeted for assassination that we know of was Ruben
Shumpert of Seattle, killed by a US missile strike in Somalia in 2008.
And
 now here we are today, with a "progressive" president who absorbed all
the rancid policies of Ronald Reagan and George W Bush and adopted them
as his own as titular head of the American Empire.
Now, if someone could just distill that down to 140 characters.


                   Read more of Mark Ames at eXiledonline.com and Not Safe
for Work Corporation. He is the author of Going Postal:
Rage, Murder, and Rebellion: From Reagan's Workplaces
to Clinton's Columbine and Beyond.





[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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