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**Because of the horrors my government's leaders-- on behalf of the
ruling Forces of Greed <http://luvnews.info/FOG.htm> who finance their
political campaigns, are piling on the people of Colombia, I've decided
to go with only one piece this morning, following.  I'm urging people to
get this story out to their lists to show where globalization is going.
**

**Recall our president lying that he opposed the Colombian trade deal
when running for office in 2008, even as he lied that he would check
Wall Street while taking the all-time record in contributions from Wall
Street and immediately increasing the Bush bailout after taking office
while filling top treasury jobs with Wall Street scumbags.
**

**Recall that he lied that he opposed the wars in his campaign rhetoric,
then immediately increased the troops in Afghanistan by 30,000, and one
by one introduced new wars (Libya, Central Africa), increased the size
of others (Yemen, Pakistan), tried to extend the occupation of Iraq
around the Bush agreement to end it by the close of 2011, and increased
the bloated Bush Pentagon budget in his first year, and again every year
he has been in office.
**

**I could go on for dozens of paragraphs but readers who've been with us
for awhile are aware that the Obama Administration does the opposite of
what the rhetoric pretends.
**

**Back to the Colombian trade deal.  Obama reversed himself during his
first term after opposing it in his 2008 campaign rhetoric, and began
pushing the trade deal showing himself to be a liar on that subject as
well as so many others of importance, siding always with the 1% against
the 99% (hence his government organizing police across the nation to
tear gas, beat, jail and pepper spray occupy protesters, prosecute a
record number of whistleblowers and expand the National Surveillance
State).
**

**Transnational corporations love the Colombian trade deal, because the
Colombian government simply kills workers who try to organize in unions,
pushing down the cost of labor.  The deal will destroy small farmers, as
NAFTA did in Mexico, with cheap subsidized American agribusiness crops
flooding the Colombian marketplace.  These corporations have supplied
weapons to Colombia's death squads, and are responsible for the deaths
of thousands of innocents.
**

**Here's a teaser from the following piece: "The US State Department has
made it illegal for US corporations to associate with the [death
squads], not that the terror tag has stopped them in the past. In 2007,
US company Chiquita Brands International was fined $25 million in a plea
agreement with the US Justice Department after it admitted paying the
AUC, a designated terror group, $1.7 million from 1997 to 2004. The
company, then represented by current US Attorney General Eric Holder,
claimed extortion, but documents in a current civil lawsuit allege that
Chiquita also transported 3,000 Kalashnikov rifles and millions of
rounds of ammunition for use by the death squads."
**

**The savages running the Colombian government fit right in with the
Empire establishment, all psychopaths dedicated to pushing corporate
greed at any cost, as you will see in the magnificent report which follows.
**

**I'm pushing this story this morning because it's a microcosm of what's
happening in the world due to globalization-- the plan is to squeeze
every last dime for the 1%, leaving the 99% falling toward
hopelessness.  Americans are still First World people, but we have a
growing Third World population, and most of the rest are sliding in that
direction.  Unless we find ways to reverse what is happening, the horror
in Colombia may one day be happening here.  This is why we do /LUV
News/-- we may stop the madness nonviolently if we have an informed mass
large enough to turn the tide  --Jack Balkwill
**

*The Horrific Costs of the US-Colombia Trade Agreement
<http://www.thenation.com/article/174589/horrific-costs-us-colombia-trade-agreement>


*

*by Michael Norby </authors/michael-norby> and Brian Fitzpatrick
</authors/brian-fitzpatrick>*

*From the sixth-floor window of a Bogotá hotel, a flourishing capital is
manifest. A hive of activity, it looks every bit the rejuvenated city it
is billed as---the pacified centerpiece of a country that has gone to
extraordinary lengths in an attempt to shed its violent skin. There are
no visible reminders of the carnage that swallowed it whole in the
mid-twentieth-century before widening its jaws to consume the rest of
the country---at least not from this vantage point.*

*"It's easy to forget how Colombia used to be," says John Walters, US
drug czar during the George W. Bush administration. "The violence was
just staggering. You get used to how it is now and forget about the
sacrifices that were made, but this has been a remarkable turnaround."*

*Since October 2012, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC)
and the government have been talking peace. The signs are good: On May
26 the two sides announced a breakthrough land reform deal, an agreement
that will be critical to any lasting accord.*

*The nation's murder rate---once among the highest on the planet---is at
a thirty-year low and kidnappings in most major urban areas are a thing
of the past. Official statistics show that foreign investment is up
while labor-related killings are down.*

*In 2002, the war-weary Colombian people elected Álvaro Uribe, a
hardliner who had campaigned on a pledge to eliminate the guerrilla
insurgency spearheaded by FARC. Funded by billions of US taxpayer
dollars of mostly military aid to support counternarcotics and
counterinsurgency efforts, Uribe throttled FARC and convinced right-wing
paramilitary group the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) to
demobilize.*

*Uribe's defense minister, Juan Manuel Santos, took over the presidency
in 2010 and continued his mentor's aggressive policies. Large swaths of
the country were pacified and the government's chokehold on FARC
tightened until the group was forced to make a move. *

*"The real change was Uribe," says Walters. "We provided a lot of
assistance and aid to a lot of different places, but you cannot
substitute for the leaders of a partner country who are able, dedicated
and courageous. During his presidency he not only systematically
defeated FARC and the AUC but he also created a country."*

*The payoff came in October 2011, when the US Congress passed the
US-Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement (CTPA), widely referred to as a
free-trade agreement. Supporters of the deal
<http://www.ustr.gov/uscolombiatpa/facts> insist it promotes economic
growth in both countries, creating thousands of jobs in the process.*

*The initiative immediately eliminated tariffs on 80 percent of US
consumer and industrial exports and will phase out the remainder in the
coming years. The International Trade Commission estimates a $1.1
billion expansion of US exports to Colombia, and advocates say it levels
the playing field for US businesses in a country whose exporters already
enjoyed trade preferences with the United States.*

** * **

*If you walk through Bogotá's historic La Candelaria district, things
seem to be on track. The unmistakable swagger of suited foreign business
people and tourists, both now woven into the fabric of the city, are
symptomatic of a growing economy in a secure environment.*

*But in Plaza de Bolívar, the capital's iconic central square, comes the
first sign of the humanitarian crisis that rights groups are struggling
to cope with. Fifty or so families line the square holding placards;
some grasping pictures of loved ones. A man with a bullhorn is lobbying
for attention, determined to convince ambivalent passers-by that reports
of a miraculous turnaround in Colombia are greatly exaggerated.*

*These are a tiny fraction of what is the world's largest population of
internally displaced people, refugees in their own country. According to
Colombian NGO Consultoria para los Derechos Humanos y el Desplazamiento
(CODHES), more than 5.4 million IDPs---over 10 percent of the nation's
entire population---have been displaced since 1985.*

*While the IDP crisis predates both of their tenures, roughly half have
been displaced in the years since Uribe took office in 2002, and the
number continues to rise under Santos. According to CODHES
<http://www.codhes.org/index.php?option=com_docman&task=cat_view&gid=64&Itemid=50>,
259,000 additional Colombians became internal refugees in 2011.
*

*This is what many activists and rights groups believe will be the real
legacy of both men: the advancement of a blueprint drawn up decades ago
to not only obliterate the insurgency but destroy organized labor and
drive huge numbers of rural Colombians from their homes and farms, many
of which sit on some of the richest land in the world.*

*Agricultural provisions within the trade agreement force Colombian
farmers to compete against heavily subsidized US products that can now
flood the market unhindered. The results are forecast to be devastating.
An Oxfam report
<http://www.oxfamamerica.org/publications/impact-of-the-us-colombia-fta-on-the-small-farm-economy-in-colombia>
estimates that the average income of 1.8 million grossly under-protected
small farmers will fall by 16 percent.*

*The study concludes that 400,000 farmers who now live below the minimum
wage will see their incomes drop by up to 70 percent and will thus be
forced out of their livelihoods. The alternatives open to them will only
add to the misery and violence that continue to grow in rural Colombia:
Oxfam's findings mirror what the Colombian government, years before the
agreement passed, feared would transpire should the CTPA be signed
without addressing its many shortcomings.*

*In 2004, Colombia's Ministry of Agriculture said that a trade agreement
without adequate agricultural protections would leave rural Colombians
with "no more than three options: migration to the cities or to other
countries...working in drug cultivation zones, or affiliating with
illegal armed groups."*

*New CODHES figures appear to corroborate these findings, with their
most recent report showing that mass displacements jumped an incredible
83 percent in 2012, mostly in areas affected by the CTPA.*

*The push for a trade agreement began---along with Uribe's
presidency---under a hail of rocket fire. On August 7, 2002, during his
inauguration ceremony, a FARC mortar team launched several shells that
exploded near the presidential palace, killing twenty-one people.*

*As co-chair of the US delegation to Uribe's swearing-in, Walters
witnessed the carnage. With him was then--US Trade Representative Robert
Zoellick, who was present to demonstrate to the people of Colombia that,
as Walters recalls, Washington "had larger interests with Colombia."*

*Uribe immediately launched an all-out offensive. Colombian troops,
newly armed with state-of-the-art US hardware, systematically eliminated
FARC from urban areas and corralled the rebels into rural pockets where
they could be contained.*

*Critics attacked Uribe's aggression, claiming that the military
flagrantly skirted human rights and continued to work hand-in-glove with
AUC death squads, which rampaged throughout rural Colombia on a
murderous land-grabbing spree. In January of this year, Colombia's
attorney general began investigating Uribe for his ties to
paramilitaries during his time as governor of Antioquia in the 1990s.*

*"These wars are difficult and there was a lot of ugliness," Walters
says. "At times we had to investigate and push the military to be more
forthright. Some of these things have to be done quietly. You can't have
these discussions about the internal affairs of a partner nation in a
press conference---you have to do it privately."*

*The demobilization of the AUC in 2006 was heralded as a major step
forward and coincided with the first attempt to pass the CTPA through
Congress. Some 30,000 AUC fighters gave up their weapons, but many
simply formed new groups, labeled /bandas criminales/ (Bacrim).*

*With names like Rastrojos and Urabeños, the Bacrim continue to target
rural Colombians and labor unions. Like the AUC, they work closely with
elements of the Colombian military and have enjoyed political favor.*

*The testimony of former paramilitary leaders in what is known as the
Justice and Peace process forced Colombia's Supreme Court to investigate
members of Congress accused of collaborating with the paramilitaries.
More than 150 congressmen and women have been investigated and
fifty-five have been convicted; it's the tip of the iceberg. Last
summer, research group Verdad Abierta reported that more than 11,000
politicians, officials and businessmen might have been corrupted.*

*Unwilling to pass the CTPA amid concerns over human rights abuses,
especially those leveled against trade unions, Congress rejected the
bill in 2008. "It became so polarized with some organized labor
organizations in the United States," says Walters. "The trade agreement
was almost entirely one-sided---giving the United States trade
concessions that it hadn't had before---but we couldn't get it passed."*

*With the election of Barack Obama in 2008, hopes of reviving the CTPA
seemed dead in the water. As a candidate, Obama had spoken out strongly
against the agreement, citing continuing violence leveled at trade
unionists, which "would make a mockery of the very labor protections
that we've insisted be included in these kinds of agreements."
*

*Twoyears after his victory, however, President Obama was promoting the
CTPA and has called it a win-win for both nations. In April 2011, he
enacted a Labor Action Plan to ensure that the Colombian government
would act to stop violence against unionists.*

*"It was a cover," argues Lori Wallach, director of Public Citizen's
Global Trade Watch. "The Labor Action Plan was used as an ameliorative
to try and overcome the outrage in Congress over the United States
associating itself with a government responsible for the single highest
rates of unionist assassinations. That's what the Labor Action Plan was
about."*

*Meanwhile, Obama's partner in Colombia, the newly elected Santos, was
heralded as a fresh start for the country, a more pragmatic and open
leader. Others warned that he was Machiavellian, a fraud. To those
suffering from the violence, he offered no change.*

*"They are the same," insists Francisco Ramírez Cuellar, former
president of Sintraminercol, the Colombian mineworkers union. "They just
talk a different talk. Uribe's [rhetoric] was more aggressive and
violent, but nothing has changed."*

*Ramírez, who escaped several attempts on his life during his time as
Sintraminercol president, explains the drop in union assassinations by
citing the corresponding decline in union membership rates, from 14
percent at the start of Uribe's tenure to just 4 percent today. In other
words, there are fewer trade unionists to kill, a claim supported by
Stephen Benedict, human rights director at the International Trade Union
Confederation (ITUC). He expects little will change.*

*"They have done their job," says Benedict about the Bacrim. "The number
of assassinations will eventually go down. It's been the system, it has
worked in the past, and it continues to work today. It's preposterous
for these governments to claim that they are heading democracies. What
kind of democracy is it when you can't even try to organize a trade union?"*

*Despite impassioned pleas in Colombia and the United States that such
an agreement would add fuel to an already raging fire, the CTPA was
passed in October 2011.*

*Human rights and labor lawyer Daniel Kovalik was among many who urged
the Obama administration not to sign. Pointing to the recent record of
US companies in the region, he feels a bill issuing more corporate
privileges and encouraging more nefarious behavior should have been
avoided.*

*"Unions in the US and Colombia begged him not to push it through,"
Kovalik says. "There are very real concerns of unionists being killed
there, but [Obama] did it anyway. If the American people fully
understood what is going on, what is happening to preserve our opulent
lifestyles, then I'd like to think that they would protest."*

*Reports of Colombia's progress have dominated international media
coverage; especially since peace negotiations were announced last
summer. Little airtime or column inches have been dedicated to the
victims of the violence or the displaced millions.*

*"The biggest challenge for all the humanitarian agencies working here
is to tell the outside world that there is a humanitarian crisis in
Colombia," says Terry Morel, UN High Commissioner for Refugees
representative in Colombia. "It's difficult to imagine the reality when
you're sitting in Bogotá."*

*This sentiment is repeated by virtually all NGOs and human rights
organizations that have worked furiously to illustrate the hidden story.*

*The numbers are astonishing.*

*In its 2013 World Report
<http://www.hrw.org/world-report/2013/country-chapters/colombia>, Human
Rights Watch reported that Colombia's attorney general's office was
investigating 1,727 cases of extrajudicial killings involving almost
3,000 victims, allegedly carried out by state agents between 2004 and
2008. The report also stated that additional cases were reported in 2011
and 2012. As of August of last year, 539 army members (seventy-seven
officers) had been convicted---fewer than 10 percent of cases.*

*A constitutional amendment secured by Santos late last year threatens
to transfer cases of military atrocities from civilian courts to the
military justice system. HRW says the move "would virtually guarantee
impunity for such crimes." Santos served as defense minister from 2006
to 2009, a period that saw his military implicated in some of the most
sordid crimes of the entire conflict.*

*The ITUC reported that thirty-five unionists were murdered in Colombia
in 2012 <http://survey.ituc-csi.org/Colombia.html?lang=en>, solidifying
the country's status as the most dangerous place on earth to be a union
member. Between 3,000 and 4,000 Colombian unionists have been killed
since the late 1980s.*

*Colombian NGO Somos Defensores reported that attacks on human rights
defenders
<http://justf.org/blog/2013/02/25/killings-human-rights-defenders-increase-colombia-what-going-wrong>
reached a ten-year high in 2012. A total of sixty-nine were murdered, up
from forty-nine in 2011. Of 357 total acts of aggression, the Bacrim
were blamed for 41 percent, state actors and guerrillas were responsible
for 13 percent and 9 percent respectively, and the remaining culprits
were unknown.*

*Once a splintered network of autonomous death squads, the Bacrim are
now consolidating and becoming more powerful. A June 2012 report
<http://www.crisisgroup.org/%7E/media/Files/latin-america/colombia/41-dismantling-colombias-new-illegal-armed-groups-lessons-from-a-surrender>
by the International Crisis Group put their numbers between 4,800 and
8,000. Colombian think tank Nuevo Arco Iris reports that the Bacrim have
condensed from thirty-three groups in 2006 to just six in 2012 and have
expanded their presence to 337 of Colombia's 1,119 municipalities
<http://www.arcoiris.com.co/2013/03/los-carteles-neoparamilitares-que-mandan-en-colombia/>.
*

*The US State Department has made it illegal for US corporations to
associate with the Bacrim, not that the terror tag has stopped them in
the past. In 2007, US company Chiquita Brands International
<http://www.gwu.edu/%7Ensarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB340/> was fined $25 million
in a plea agreement with the US Justice Department after it admitted
paying the AUC, a designated terror group, $1.7 million from 1997 to
2004. The company, then represented by current US Attorney General Eric
Holder, claimed extortion, but documents in a current civil lawsuit
allege that Chiquita also transported 3,000 Kalashnikov rifles and
millions of rounds of ammunition
<http://www.law.du.edu/documents/corporate-governance/international-corporate-governance/in-re-chiquita-third-amended.pdf>
for use by the death squads.*

*This past December, the Colombian attorney general reopened a criminal
investigation into the relationship between the banana giant and the
AUC. Other US corporations have been accused of paying death squads
<http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-18560_162-4080920.html?pageNum=4>
to---among other alleged charges---kill trade unionists. Lawsuits
against Coca-Cola Bottlers and Dole Food Company were dismissed, but
proceedings against Alabama-based Drummond Coal
<http://www.ca11.uscourts.gov/opinions/ops/200916216.op2.pdf> on behalf
of victims' relatives are ongoing
<http://colombiareports.com/us-coal-firm-drummond-paid-paramilitaries-wikileaks/>.*

*"It's really sick," says Robert Scott, director of trade and
manufacturing policy at the Economic Policy Institute, a strong critic
of the CTPA. "US multinationals have been associated with helping to
fund some of these paramilitary death squads that are operating in
Colombia. You have to understand, the motivation for negotiating these
trade agreements on the part of multinational businesses is to drive
down their cost of production, take advantage of low wages and take
advantage of a totally de-unionized labor environment."*

*Just as the CTPA threatens to exacerbate the already obscene levels of
violence taking place outside the sphere of the government's conflict
with FARC, many feel that the peace talks alone will not halt the
humanitarian disaster.*

*"Peace between FARC and the government might end the internal armed
conflict as formally stated," says the UN's Morel. "But it will not lead
to an end to the violence. I think there is an awareness of that, an
understanding."*

*Gimena Sánchez-Garzoli, senior fellow at the Washington Office on Latin
America, is in full agreement, even anticipating an increase in violence
if FARC and the government come to terms. "There is going to be a surge
in violence," she says, outlining her concern over the government's
failure to deal with the Bacrim. "It's not looking good. Sadly, what I
am sensing here is that there is a peace process and everything is
resolved, and that is incredibly far from the case."
*

*Nowhere is the frantic effort to facilitate the CTPA---and its
relationship with the Bacrim---more visible than in the southwestern
city of Buenaventura, where a massive port expansion threatens thousands
with forced eviction. Those who protest are summarily dealt with.*

*Ground zero for the CTPA and the most important port city in the
country, locals here are under no illusions as to who calls the shots.
The government may have labeled the death squads "Bacrim," but to those
staring down the barrels of their guns, the enemy hasn't changed.*

*"All of Buenaventura is controlled by paramilitaries," says one
community leader, running through the names of the various groups.
"There was no demobilization. It didn't happen. They are still operating."*

*At the headquarters of the Colombian Process of Black Communities
(PCN), community leaders describe the horrors of life under the
paramilitaries. They're happy to be associated with PCN, but not one is
willing to be named as an individual; too many of their colleagues have
been butchered for speaking out.*

*There is little protection. While FARC guerrillas claim to be the voice
of the people, they have cut deals with the paramilitaries in recent
times, allowing them to kill freely in exchange for safe passage of
rebel drugs and guns. Even onetime FARC sympathizers suspect that while
the guerrillas have their sights set on peace, lucrative parcels of land
are their preferred return. In Colombia's war, there are no good guys.*

*When the AUC first wrapped its tentacles around Buenaventura, in 1998,
those who protested could be heard screaming as night fell---dismembered
alive in the barrios. Nowadays, most victims simply vanish; their body
parts are often put on display later as a warning to others. In January,
the discovery of twenty-three such victims prompted the local
authorities to promise an investigation and spurred the Catholic Church
to take action.*

*One local woman describes how on August 1, 2011, thirty armed men came
to take possession of her neighborhood, La Gloria. She accuses local law
enforcement of playing an active role.*

*"The authorities know all about this," she says. "At the entrance, you
can see the paramilitaries sitting, talking with the police. So they
know all this. The paramilitaries are raping girls and women, cutting
pieces off them and throwing them into the creek. All this is happening,
so in what context can we talk about peace?"*

*Despite the danger, community leaders have produced reports, made trips
abroad and are constantly reaching out to politicians and rights groups
in the United States. Death threats come by text, e-mail or via a note
under the door, but they feel they have no option. They believe action
will only come with outside pressure.*

*Congressman Hank Johnson, a Democrat from Georgia, voted against the
CTPA and is a member of the Congressional Monitoring Group on Labor
Rights in Colombia. He has hosted delegations from affected communities.
"They are so courageous, they will even come to America and meet with
congressional representatives," he says. "They know that when they go
back, the people who are hurting them know that they have been here."
*

*The CTPA, he insists, is another nail in their coffin. "It's economic
exploitation. To understand that our government has helped to foster the
businesses that exploit people is not something that I am comfortable
with at all. That's why I must continue to speak out."*

*Wallach, who has been studying such agreements for twenty years with
Global Trade Watch, says she has never seen the merging of a trade
agreement with terror like this. Not on this scale. "It's obscene," she
says. "Colombia is unique. It is above and beyond. I have seen lots of
bad things, but Colombia is in a totally different category. We are
giving away all potential economic leverage in our relationship with a
country that has [a history of] horrific human rights violations."*

*Still, though, the leaders we talk to have no intention of giving up.
They keep going, as one says, "because someone has to."*

*"We know the risk," they reply at PCN, when asked if the fight is worth
the price. "We love our territories and we will keep going, even if that
means that we lose our lives."*

*In the seaside barrio of La Playita, a young child, no more than 6
years old, stands beneath a palm tree looking out across the bay. His
eyes are fixed on the tree line of an island a mile or so from the
shore. To make way for a planned tourism project, his neighborhood is
scheduled for demolition.*

*It would be comforting to think that the boy is unaware of what he is
looking at as he stares out into the distance: The island is a suspected
mass grave, filled with the body parts of executed locals. At PCN,
however, they remind us that in Buenaventura, no one is spared the
brutal reality. "The children are exposed to this," says the woman from
La Gloria. "They have seen it because it happens in front of everybody,
in daylight. They are killing people every single day. It's a horrible
situation."*

http://www.thenation.com/article/174589/horrific-costs-us-colombia-trade-agreement
**
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