America’s Plan B in Egypt: Bring Back the Old  Regime
 
 
_http://www.actionla.org:8080/actionla/front/detailed3.jsp?newsId=1141&title
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gime&filename=1373200782859&ext=jpg_ 
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pt:%20Bring%20Back%20the%20Old%20Regime&filename=1373200782859&ext=jpg) 
 
 
_Mahdi  Darius NAZEMROAYA_ 
(http://www.strategic-culture.org/authors/mahdi-darius-nazemroaya.html)  | 
06.07.2013
Strategic Culture Foundation
The road that has been taken _in Egypt_ 
(http://www.strategic-culture.org/news/2013/07/05/egypt-deeper-uncertainty-or-ray-of-hope.html)
  is a dangerous 
one. A military coup has taken  place in Egypt while millions of Egyptians 
have cheered it on with little  thought about what is replacing the Muslim 
Brotherhood and the ramifications it  will have for their society. 
Many people in cheering crowds have treated the Egyptian military’s coup 
like  it was some sort of democratic act. Little do many of them remember who 
the  generals of the Egyptian military work for. 
Those who are ideologically opposed to the Muslim Brotherhood have also  
cheered the military takeover without realizing that the military takeover  
ultimately serves imperialist behaviour. The cheering crowds have not 
considered  the negative precedent that has been set. 
Egypt was never cleansed of corrupt figures by the Muslim Brotherhood, 
which  instead joined them. Key figures in Egypt, like Al-Azhar’s Grand Mufti 
Ahmed  Al-Tayeb (who was appointed by Mubarak), criticized the Muslim 
Brotherhood when  Mubark was in power, then denounced Mubarak and supported the 
Muslim Brotherhood  when it gained power, and then denounced the Muslim 
Brotherhood when the  military removed it from power. 
The disgraced Muslim Brotherhood has actually been replaced by a far worse  
assembly.
 
These figures, whatever they call themselves, have only served power and  
never democracy. The military’s replacements for the Muslim Brotherhood – be 
it  the new interim president or the leaders of the military junta—were 
either  working with or serving the Muslim Brotherhood and, even before them, 
Hosni  Mubarak’s regime. 
The Undemocratic Egyptian Full Circle
 
Unlike the protests, the military takeover in Egypt is a blow to democracy. 
 Despite the incompetence and hypocrisy of the Egyptian branch of the 
Muslim  Brotherhood’s leadership, it was democratically elected into power. 
While the rights of all citizens to demonstrate and protest should be  
protected and structured mechanisms should securely be put into place in all  
state systems for removing any unpopular government, democratically-elected  
governments should not be toppled by military coups. 
Unless a democratically-elected government is killing its own people  
arbitrarily and acting outside the law, there is no legitimate excuse for  
removing it from power by means of military force. 
There is nothing wrong with the act of protesting, but there is something  
wrong when a military coup is initiated by a corrupt military force that 
works  in the services of Washington and Tel Aviv. 
Things have come full circle in Cairo. The military oversight over the  
government in Cairo is exactly the position that Egypt’s corrupt military  
leaders wanted to have since the Egyptian elections in 2012 that brought the  
Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party into power. Since then there 
has  been a power struggle between the Egyptian military and the Muslim  
Brotherhood. 
Expecting to win the 2012 elections, at first the Egyptian military fielded 
 one of its generals and a former Mubarak cabinet minister (and the last 
prime  minister to serve under Mubarak), Ahmed Shafik, for the position of 
Egyptian  president. 
If not a Mubarak loyalist per se, Shafik was a supporter of the old regime’
s  political establishment that gave him and the military privileged powers. 
When  Ahmed Shafik lost there was a delay in recognizing _Morsi_ 
(http://www.strategic-culture.org/news/2013/07/05/morsi-fall-and-arab-summer-spells-doo
m-obama-doctrine.html)  as the president-elect, because the military was  
considering rejecting the election results and instead announcing a military  
coup. 
The High Council of the Armed Forces, which led Egypt’s military, realized  
that a military coup after the 2012 elections would not fare too well with 
the  Egyptian people and could lead to an all-out rebellion against the 
Egyptian  military’s leadership. 
It was unlikely that many of the lower ranking soldiers and commissioned  
officers would have continued to follow the orders of the Egyptian military’s 
 corrupt upper echelons if such a coup took place. Thus, plans for a coup 
were  aborted. 
Egyptian military leaders instead decided to try subordinating Egypt’s  
civilian government by dissolving the Egyptian Parliament and imposing a  
constitution that they themselves wrote to guarantee military control. Their  
military constitution subordinated the president’s office and Egypt’s civilian 
 government to military management. 




Morsi would wait and then reinstate the Egyptian Parliament in July 2012 
and  then nullify the military’s constitution that limited the powers of the  
presidency and civilian government after he worked with the US and Qatar to  
pacify Hamas. 
Next, Morsi would order Marshall Tantawi, the head of the Egyptian 
military,  and General Anan, the second most power general in the Egyptian 
military, 
into  resigning- neither one was a friend of democracy or justice. 
Was Morsi’s Administration Really a Muslim Brotherhood  Government?
 
Before it was ousted, the Muslim Brotherhood faced serious structural  
constraints in Egypt and it made many wrong decisions. Since its electoral  
victory there was an ongoing power struggle in Egypt and its Freedom and 
Justice 
 Party clumsily attempted to consolidate its political control over Egypt. 
The Muslim Brotherhood’s attempts to consolidate power meant that it has 
had  to live with and work with a vast array of state institutions and bodies 
filled  with its opponents, corrupt figures, and old regime loyalists. 
The Freedom and Justice Party tried to slowly purge the Egyptian state of  
Mubarak loyalists and old regime figures, but Morsi was forced to also work 
with  them simultaneously. This made the foundations of his government even  
weaker. 
The situation for the Muslim Brotherhood in 2012 was actually similar to 
the  one Hamas faced in 2006 after its electoral victories in the Palestinian  
elections. 
Just as Hamas was forced by the US and its allies to accept Fatah ministers 
 in key positions in the Palestinian government that it formed, the Muslim  
Brotherhood was forced to do the same unless it wanted the state to 
collapse and  to be internationally isolated. 
The main difference between the two situations is that the Muslim 
Brotherhood  seemed all too eager to comply with the US and work with segments 
of the 
old  regime that would not challenge it. Perhaps this happened because the 
Muslim  Brotherhood feared a military takeover. 
Regardless of what the reasons were, the Muslim Brotherhood knowingly 
shared  the table of governance with counter-revolutionaries and criminals. 
In part, Morsi’s cabinet would offer a means of continuation to the old  
regime. Foreign Minister Mohammed Kamel Amr, Morsi’s top diplomat, was a 
cabinet  minister under Marshal Tantawi and served in key positions as 
Mubarak’s  
ambassador to the United States and Saudi Arabia. 




Morsi’s cabinet would only have a few members of the Muslim Brotherhood’s  
Freedom and Justice Party whereas the ministerial portfolios for the key  
positions of the Interior Ministry, Defence Ministry, and the Suez Canal  
Authority would be given to Mubarak appointees from Egypt’s military and police 
 apparatus. 
Abdul Fatah Al-Sisi, Mubarak’s head of Military Intelligence who has worked 
 closely with the US and Israel, would be promoted as the head of the 
Egyptian  military and as Egypt’s new defence minister by Morsi. 
It would ironically, but not surprisingly, be Al-Sisi that would order  
Morsi’s arrest and ouster after extensive consultations with his American  
counterpart, _Charles Hagel_ 
(http://www.strategic-culture.org/news/2013/07/05/egypt-coup-churns-up-regional-politics-ii.html)
 , on July 3, 2013. 
The Muslim Brotherhood and the Obama Administration: An Alliance of  
Convenience?
 
As a result of the Muslim Brotherhood’s collaboration with the US and 
Israel,  large components of the protests in Egypt against Morsi were 
resoundingly  anti-American and anti-Israeli. This has to do with the role that 
the 
Obama  Administration has played in Egypt and the regional alliance it has 
formed with  the Muslim Brotherhood. 
In part, it also has to do with the fact that Morsi’s opponents – even the 
 ones that are collaborating with the US and Israel themselves – have 
capitalized  on anti-American and anti-Israeli sentiments by portraying Morsi 
as 
a US and  Israeli puppet. 
In reality, both the United States and Muslim Brotherhood have  tried to 
manipulate one another for their own gains. 
 
The Muslim Brotherhood has tried to use the Obama Administration to  ascend 
to power whereas the Obama Administration has used the Muslim Brotherhood  
in America’s war against Syria and to slowly nudge the Hamas government in 
Gaza  away from the orbit of Iran and its allies in the Resistance Bloc. 
Both wittingly and unwittingly, the Muslim Brotherhood in broader terms 
has,  as an organization, helped the US, Israel, and the Arab petro-sheikhdoms 
try to  regionally align the chessboard in a sectarian project that seeks to 
get Sunnis  and Shias to fight one another. 
Because of the Freedom and Justice Party’s power struggle against the  
Egyptian military and the remnants of the old regime, the Muslim Brotherhood  
turned to the United States for support and broke all its promises. Some can  
describe this as making a deal with the “Devil.” 
At the level of foreign policy, the Muslim Brotherhood did not do the 
things  it said it would. It did not end the Israeli siege on the people of 
Gaza, 
it did  not cut ties with Israel, and it did not restore ties with the 
Iranians. Its  cooperation with the US allowed Washington to play the different 
sides inside  Egypt against one another and to hedge the Obama Administration
’s bets. 
The Muslim Brotherhood miscalculated in its political calculus. Morsi 
himself  proved not only to be untrustworthy, but also foolish. Washington has 
always  favoured the Egyptian military over the Muslim Brotherhood. 
Like most Arab militaries, the Egyptian military has been used as an 
internal  police force that has oppressed and suppressed its own people. 
Unlike the Muslim Brotherhood, the Egyptian military gives far greater  
guarantees about the protection of US interests in Egypt, Israel’s security, 
and  US sway over the strategically and commercially important Suez Canal. 
Furthermore, the Muslim Brotherhood had its own agenda and it seemed 
unlikely  that it would continue to play a subordinate role to the United 
States 
and  Washington was aware of this. 




Revolution or Counter-Revolution?
 
Indeed a dangerous precedent has been set. The events in Egypt can be used 
in  line with the same type of standard that allowed the Turkish military to 
 subordinate democracy in Turkey for decades whenever it did not like a 
civilian  government. 
The Egyptian military has taken the opportunity to suspend the 
constitution.  It can now oversee the entire political process in Egypt, 
essentially 
with de  facto veto powers. 
The military coup not only runs counter to the principles of democracy and 
is  an undemocratic act, but it also marks a return to power by the old 
regime. 
Egypt’s old regime, it should be pointed out, has fundamentally always been 
a  military regime controlled by a circle of generals and admirals that 
operate in  collaboration with a few civilian figures in key sectors. 
Things have really gone full circle in Egypt. The judiciary in Egypt is 
being  aligned with the military or old regime again. Mubarak’s 
attorney-general, Abdel  Meguid Mahmoud, who was removed from power in November 
2012 has 
been  reinstated. 
The Egyptian Parliament has been dissolved again by the leaders of the High 
 Council of the Armed Forces. President Morsi and many members of the 
Muslim  Brotherhood have been rounded up and arrested by the military and 
police 
as  enemies of the peace. 
Adli (Adly) Al-Mansour, the Mubarak appointed judge that President Morsi 
was  legally forced to appoint as the head of the Egyptian Supreme 
Constitutional  Court, has now been appointed interim president by the High 
Council of 
the Armed  Forces. 
Al-Mansour is merely a civilian figure head for a military junta. It is 
also  worth noting that the Egyptian Supreme Constitutional Court, like much of 
the  Mubarak appointees in the Egyptian judiciary, has collaborated with 
the Egyptian  military against the Muslim Brotherhood and tried to dissolve 
the Egyptian  Parliament. 
Mohammed Al-Baradei (El-Baradei / ElBaradei), a former Egyptian diplomat 
and  the former director-general of the politically manipulated International 
Atomic  Energy Agency (IAEA), has been offered the post of interim prime 
minister of  Egypt by the military. 
He had returned to Egypt during the start of the so-called Arab Spring to 
run  for office with the support of the International Crisis Group, which is 
an  organization that is linked to US foreign policy interests and tied to 
the  Carnegie Foundation, the Ford Foundation, and George Soros’ Open Society 
 Institute. 
Al-Baradei himself has been delighted every time that the Egyptian military 
 has announced a coup; he supported a military takeover in 2011 and, to his 
 benefit, he has supported it in 2013. 
Where he could not secure a position for himself through the ballot box, he 
 has been offered a government position undemocratically through the 
military in  2013. 
Many of the Muslim Brotherhood’s supporters are emphasizing that an unfair  
media war was waged against them. The Qatari-owned Al Jazeera Mubasher 
Misr, Al  Jazeera’s Egyptian branch which has worked as a mouth piece for the 
Muslim  Brotherhood, has been taken off the air by the Egyptian military. 
This, along with the ouster of Morsi, is a sign that Qatar’s regional  
interests are being rolled back too. It seems Saudi Arabia, which quickly  
congratulated Adli Al-Mansour, is delighted, which explains why the  
Saudi-supported Nour Party in Egypt betray the Muslim Brotherhood. 
Other media linked to the Muslim Brotherhood or supportive of it have also  
been censored and attacked. Much of the privately owned media in Egypt was  
already anti-Muslim Brotherhood. 
Like Gran Mufti Ahmed Al-Tayeb, many of these media outlets were supportive 
 of Mubarak’s dictatorship when he was in power, but only changed their 
tune when  he was out of power. 
The point, however, should not be lost that media censorship against  
pro-Muslim Brotherhood media outlets does not equate to democratic practice  
whatsoever. 
The figures that have supported the military coup, in the name of 
democracy,  are themselves no friends of democracy either. Many of these 
opportunists 
were  Mubarak lackeys. 
For example, the so-called Egyptian opposition leader Amr Moussa was highly 
 favoured by Hosni Mubarak and served as his foreign minister for many 
years. Not  once did Moussa ever bother or dare to question Mubarak or his 
dictatorship,  even when Moussa became the secretary-general of the morally 
bankrupt and  useless Arab League. 
The Egyptian Coma Will Backfire on the US Empire
 
Despite the media reports and commentaries, the Muslim Brotherhood was 
never  fully in charge of Egypt or its government. It always had to share power 
with  segments of the old regime or “Washington’s and Tel Aviv’s men.” 
Key players in different branches of government and state bodies from the  
old regime stayed in their places.
 
Even President Morsi’s cabinet had members of the old regime. The 
discussions  on Sharia law were predominately manipulated by the Muslim 
Brotherhood’s 
 opponents primarily for outside consumption by predominantly non-Muslim  
countries and to rally Egypt’s Christians and socialist currents against  
Morsi. 
As for the economic problems that Egypt faced, they were the mixed result 
of  the legacy of the old regime, the greed of Egypt’s elites and military 
leaders,  the global economic crisis, and the predatory capitalism that the 
United States  and European Union have impaired Egypt with. 
Those that blamed Morsi for Egypt’s economic problems and unemployment did 
so  wrongly or opportunistically. His administration’s incompetence did not 
help the  situation, but they did not create them either. 
Morsi was manning a sinking ship that had been economically ravaged in 2011 
 by foreign states and local and foreign lenders, speculators, investors, 
and  corporations. 
There was an undeniable constant effort to sabotage the Muslim Brotherhood’
s  rule, but this does not excuse the incompetence and corruption of the 
Muslim  Brotherhood. 
Their attempts at gaining international respectability by going to events  
such as the Clinton Global Initiative hosted by the Clinton Foundation have 
only  helped their decline. 
Their hesitation at restoring ties with Iran and their antagonism towards  
Syria, Hezbollah, and their Palestinian allies only managed to reduce their 
list  of friends and supporters. 
All too willingly the Muslim Brotherhood seemed to let itself be used by 
the  US, Israel, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar to pacify Hamas in an attempt to 
de-link the  Palestinians in Gaza from the Resistance Bloc. It continued the 
siege against  Gaza and continued to destroy the tunnels used to smuggle daily 
supplies by the  Palestinians. 
Perhaps it was afraid or had very little say in the matter, but it allowed  
Egypt’s military, security, and intelligence apparatuses to continue  
collaborating with Israel. Under the Muslim Brotherhood’s watch Palestinians  
were disappearing in Egypt and reappearing in Israeli prisons. 
Morsi’s government also abandoned the amnesty it had given to the  
Jamahiriya supporters from Libya that took refuge in Egypt.
 
The United States and Israel have always wanted Egypt to look inward in a  
pathetic state of paralysis. Washington has always tried to keep Egypt as a  
dependent state that would fall apart politically and economy without US  
assistance. It has allowed the situation in Egypt to degenerate as a means of 
 neutralizing the Egyptians by keeping them divided and exhausted. 
The US, however, will be haunted by the coup against Morsi. Washington will 
 dearly feel the repercussions of what has happened in  Egypt.  
Morsi’s fall sends a negative message to all of America’s allies.  
Everyone in the Arab World, corrupt and just alike, is more aware than ever 
that  
an alliance with Washington or Tel Aviv will not protect  them.  
Instead they are noticing that those that are aligned with the Iranians and 
 the Russians are the ones that are standing.
 
An empire that cannot guarantee the security of its satraps is one that 
will  eventually find many of its minions turning their backs on it or 
betraying it.  Just as America’s regime change project in Syria is failing, its 
time 
in the  Middle East is drawing to an end. 
Those who gambled on Washington’s success, like the Saudi royals, the 
Muslim  Brotherhood, and Turkey’s Prime Minister Recep Erdogan, will find 
themselves on  the losing side of the Middle East’s regional equation… 

Mr. _Mahdi  Darius NAZEMROAYA_ 
(http://www.strategic-culture.org/authors/mahdi-darius-nazemroaya.html)  who 
writes for Global Research and Strategic 
Culture  Foundation is also one of the frequent contributors for The 4th  
Media. 

http://www.strategic-culture.org/news/2013/07/06/america-plan-b-egypt-bring-
back-the-old-regime.html
 
 
 
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