Dear Comrades
We have started publication of a new monthly newspaper called Voice which
will complement our magazine.
Please send $20 to SP, PO Box 1015, Collingwood 3066 for an annual
subscription.
Below are two articles from issue 1. The first is one of the articles from
a special feature drawing a balance sheet on the experience of the
Australian intervention in East Timor so far and the second is an insiders
view of the Victorian CFMEU's current campaign for a 36 hour week and a 24%
pay rise.
East Timor: UN mission fails to deliver
By Kevan Myers
The initial wave of euphoria that greeted the arrival of UN sanctioned
peacekeepers following the militia rampage throughout East Timor has begun
to ebb.
Unlike many on the Left, the Socialist Party (formerly the Militant
Socialist Organisation) argued that neither the UN or the Australian Army
should be trusted to deliver peace. We said then that the primary role of
the UN force was to maintain control over the development of East Timor so
as to best protect its resources for the exploitation byworld capitalism.
The East Timorese after 24 years of struggle now find themselves in a
disastrous economic position. East Timor's GDP per capita in 1996 was a
mere $680 and 30% lived below the poverty line. The post election situation
is worse. The World Bank reported in November that militia and Indonesian
troops had destroyed virtually every piece of equipment and infrastructure
in the modern sector. The traditional agriculture sector was severely
disrupted with the World Bank estimating a GDP fall of up to 45% in 1999.
80% of the population have no means of support and yet prices have doubled.
A two-tier economy is developing with those able to trade with the UN
military and aid workers beginning to outstrip the majority of society.
Australian troops for example were receiving over $150 a day which
obviously has an effect on both prices and the distribution of already
scarce resources. Already a number of 'hotels" have been closed down for
alleged prostitution and there has been a rise in petty crime, a direct
result of the economic impoverishment.
A riot at the Dili markets in January between different gangs of youth,
allegedly began due to criminal activity, was ended through military
intervention by INTERFET troops. The UN police force, Civpol, have been
issued extendable batons and up to 200 ex-Indonesian police of East
Timorese descent are being employed to assist Civpol.
There is a general belief that unless the economic situation improves
rapidly East Timor will again disintegrate into lawlessness. In January
7,000 turned up to interviews for 2,000 UN funded positions. The UN only
had 10 people conducting interviews. By 11.30am, after thousands had waited
since dawn, the centre had to be closed causing a near riot which was
quelled by baton-wielding Australian troops. (The Weekend Australian
29-1-00). Whilst such jobs offer a ray of hope the World Bank has suggested
that the East Timorese public service should only be half the 28,000
employed in 1999 under Indonesian rule in order to reduce costs.
The sort of incident in which the UN forces come face to face with ordinary
East Timorese is likely to increase as desperation turns to anger. There
have been reports of both FALINTIL (The East Timorese national liberation
army) and UDT (The right-wing opposition to Fretlin in 1975) recruitment to
'security' units in response to the inability of the UN forces to maintain
civil order. The potential for these units to develop into warring factions
is very real. Already gangs of youth within Dili have fought each other in
an attempt to gain dominance.
The fact that FALINTIL after fighting the Indonesian Army for 24 years are
assigned an essentially passive role in the current situation is likely to
increase tensions. The UN can not solve the underlying divisions in East
Timorese society based as it is on 24 years of brutal military rule from
Jakarta. This can only be achieved when the East Timorese gain control of
their own resources on the basis of nationalising the means of production
under the democratic control of the workers and peasants, taking control of
industry and distribution, and giving land to the peasants.
The UN mission has set a target for full independence in three years time.
In the meantime the CRNT (National Council for Timor Resistance) mainly has
a consultative role whilst key decisions are still effectively being made
by the UN military wing. The East Timorese are paying a price for the way
liberation from direct Indonesian rule was achieved.
Under pressure from public opinion especially in Portugal and Australia the
Western powers and the IMF forced a change in policy from Jakarta and we
saw a military withdrawal. Indonesian troops were replaced immediately by
mainly Australian troops. It was different to Cuba in 1959, where a
peasant-based army won power militarily with all the authority that created
for the new Castro government. Side-by-side with the fact that the West
doesn't have to worry about the presence of the Soviet bloc, these
developments allowed a new imperialist take-over of East Timor dressed up
as a liberating force.
The very existence of the Soviet Union, which balanced the power of the
biggest capitalist nation the USA, gave a breathing space for the newly
emerging independent nations. The collapse of the Soviet Union has seen a
more strident USA, and its loyal allies like Australia. Alongside this
there has also been a loss of confidence in any alternative to capitalism
within the independence movements.
Whereas in the past FRETLIN had a socialist current, the leadership now
sees no alternative to following the bidding of international capitalism.
Nevertheless the UN is delaying democratic elections. With the electoral
rolls already gathered for the UN independence vote, which took place under
exceptionally difficult conditions, elections could easily take place thus
allowing the East Timorese the right to elect their own government after
more than two decades of occupation. The real reason for the delay is that
the UN acts on behalf of international capitalism. For example at the
behest of the World Bank, East Timor will begin to use the US dollar as its
currency.
This is because the World Bank believes trade will be easier in US dollars.
Originally the East Timorese leadership had considered using the
ex-colonial power Portugal's currency. The issue for the "International
community" in essence the UN, World Bank and IMF, is that they do not trust
the East Timorese to elect a government which will provide a stable base
for capitalism. This is despite the fact that leaders such as Xanana Gusmao
and Jose Ramos Horta have said they wish to create a capitalist economy.
The strategists of international capitalism clearly remember that Fidel
Castro, one of the people admired by Ramos Horta as a spokesman for the
developing world, originally set out to create a nation based on the USA.
However the pressure of the Cuban masses and the collapse of the capitalist
economy forced Castro to go much further and take the commanding heights of
the economy into public hands. The fact that the Cuban regime is now
encouraging capitalist development. does not reduce the fear that an
independent East Timorese leadership, under pressure from the masses
desperate for a decent standard of living, might be forced to take measures
deemed unacceptable to the capitalist powers.
Capitalist solutions at best will provide a few crumbs for the developing
middle class but for the vast majority there is little hope. The tensions
between East Timorese of different ethnic backgrounds will flourish under
those conditions. The Socialist Party understands that the only way to
bring peace and prosperity is through socialist policies.
1) Democratic elections now and for free movement of peoples between East
and West Timor.
2) UN troops out now! For a workers' militia and FALINTIL to be fully armed
to take over security.
3) Australian unions to step up assistance to the embryonic union movement
in East Timor.
4) A socialist East Timor would nationalise all land and give it to the
peasants, bring into public ownership the oil fields in the Timor Gap and
what remains of industry and distribution. Only in this way could a
socialist plan of production be worked out to rebuild the island. Expel all
pirate capitalists trying to establish brothels etc and exploit the cheap
labour.
5) Linking up the struggles of the oppressed masses throughout the region
in particular the underground unions and Left in Indonesia. Capitalism has
failed the people. For a socialist future.
Victorian Building Workers set for Major Victory
By Ben Matthews
Rank and file CFMEU member
Victory seems within reach for Victorian building workers as they campaign
for a 36 hour week (a 9 day fortnight), a 24% wage increase, and
improvements to superannuation and redundancy pay. Militant delegates and
members must keep alert however that sections of our leaders do not accept
a lesser offer. We've got the bosses on the run, it's no time to compromise
or run scared of the courts.
Employers have asked for a two week truce, but the union has rejected this
as a stalling tactic. The bosses want a breathing space to prepare further
legal attacks. The lockouts have been dismal failures as subbies refuse to
do the dirty work for the big contractors who employ few workers but rake
in most of the profits. Why should we call a truce when we're winning?
This battle is significant in that it is an offensive battle by the union,
taking advantage of the economic upturn, and comes after years of retreat.
The campaign has won big support from members. We believe 24% over 3 years
is necessary to cover us financially for the cost of the GST and the rise
in inflation. We are at the peak of a boom and right now the bosses are
making big dollars from our labour-we deserve a bigger cut.
A 36 hour week is also very important, as a lot of us are working 50 to 70
hours a week to meet tight deadlines. A shorter working week will give
workers more time with their families and will create more jobs by sharing
out available work. It is wrong that some of us work 70 hours a week and
other sit on the dole awaiting a call from a labour hire firm. In France,
Germany and other European countries there have been moves made to shorten
working weeks, even down to a 35 hour week. Ironically Peter Reith's
Department of the Employee Advocate work a 35 hour week! But in Europe the
shorter working week has meant a cut in wages. That's why the 24% pay claim
is so important.
The campaign was endorsed last year at mass meetings of members, as well as
at shop steward and branch meetings of the union.
We will not go down the road of the leadership of the NSW CFMEU branch that
accepted a 12.5% pay rise and no 36 hour week without a single shot fired
in anger. This deal went against a previous decision for branches
nationwide to stick together on this claim.
In Victoria the ETU and plumbers union have won substantial pay rises and
will fight for a 36 hour week later on in the year when the Victorian
Building Industry Agreement is renegotiated. The Socialist Party believes
it would have been better for these militant unions to fight for the 36
hour week at the same time as the CFMEU, but unlike the issue with the NSW
CFMEU leadership this is a disagreement over tactics and not over whether
or not to fight. In any event the ETU and plumbers have been loyal
supporters of the CFMEU members in their current battle. The Alliance in
Victoria (these three unions plus the AMWU) will not be using the 36 hour
week as a bargaining tool for a little more money.
We have learnt again who are real friends are. Early on the Bracks Labor
government came out against a 36 hour week. Why do we still donate money to
this party?!
There has been a propaganda war waged by the Master Builders Association
(MBA) and the bosses' media against the 36 hour week. They claim it will
lead to a collapse in investment in Victoria and the end of the world as we
know it. This scare mongering is always used by bosses when we ask for
something. It was used when we fought for a 44 hour week, a 40 hour week,
and for equal pay for women. Shopping centers have been on a 36 hour week
for some time and it is a booming part of the industry.
We have been implementing workbans to force the bosses to agree to our
demands. The union is offering an interim to those bosses that break ranks
with their mates. Everyday more employers are signing up.
The bosses' tactic was the lockout until it collapsed. Under the current
industrial relations laws there is limited protected action for both unions
and bosses while EBA's are being negotiated. In reality the law is stacked
up against unions.
The most aggressive employers are the big contractors, precisely those who
can most afford our claim. They only employ a handful of workers on each
site. They are using the reluctant sub-contractors as their battering ram
against the union.
The bashing of shop steward Colin Reddie by thugs paid for by one or other
boss was not let go. Workers walked off the job and marched to the MBA in
their hundreds. The MBA's bitter anti-worker propaganda (saying we'll earn
over $100,000 a year if we win our claim) gives confidence to their members
to try it on violently.
If the lockouts return the $10 levy on all members will be key. It will
need solidarity bans on overtime and work bans to force the bosses to
retreat. Currently we are fighting a tactical battle, but it still might
get to an all-out strike. It won't be easy, as nothing good comes easy. But
if we don't win a decent pay rise and a 36 hour week during this economic
upturn we'll find it much harder in the next recession.
The Socialist Party has differences with sections of the Victorian CFMEU
leadership. We believe this dispute would be best co-ordinated by the
elected officials and a disputes committee of key, trusted militant
delegates elected by the delegates themselves. Any final offer must be
passed at a delegates meeting and then a mass meeting before being
accepted.
The campaign desperately needs more literature to explain our case to
members and the general public who are forced to read the lies of the
Herald Sun and other right-wing media outlets.
There is also need for a rally of building workers to show to ourselves and
others our collective strength and to boost morale.
With increasing industrial action by the rank and file, with rallies, with
a well organised levy, more regular delegates and branch meetings, and a
dispute committee, this campaign can and will benefit all workers in
Victoria. A victory for one is a victory for all and other unions will
follow our lead if we win. If you don't fight, you lose!
--
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