The following article was published in "The Guardian", newspaper of the Communist Party of Australia in its issue of Wednesday, June 21st, 2000. Contact address: 65 Campbell Street, Surry Hills. Sydney. 2010 Australia. Phone: (612) 9212 6855 Fax: (612) 9281 5795. CPA Central Committee: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> "The Guardian": <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Webpage: http://www.cpa.org.au> Subscription rates on request. ****************************** unions@work -- A Response The report "unions@work", launched by the ACTU in August 1999, outlines "strategies for growth and developing stronger unions". It is the ACTU's blue print for trade unions over the next five to ten years. The following are extracts from a critique of "unions@work" by the Australian Socialist Coalition*. There are many positive aspects of "unions@work", notably in the attention paid to the need to organise non-union workplaces and areas of employment growth, and to improve the workplace organising ability of those unions currently not making a good job of it. On the whole however, the document represents a technical approach to what is, in the main, a political problem. The major problem for the trade union movement in this period is the demise of overall union strength. The document recognises this, but ignores the class perspective and comes up with a solution which will only address some of the organisational aspects of the movement's problems. The document does not give a realistic analysis of the major reasons for the decline in union strength. The Accord and its aftermath The main message of "unions@work" is that the answer to declining power is to organise increases in union numbers, both in currently organised union sites and in new sites. While no one could deny the importance of increased union membership and density, this is only one component of what should be a broader political agenda for the movement. The policy is a reflection of the continuing influence of the underlying political position adopted by the trade union movement at the time of the Accord. The union movement was seduced (via the Statement of Accord) into a bargain which promised much that was progressive, most importantly reduced unemployment, but in return for wage restraint and "industrial peace". It was, however, an overall agenda which put the needs of capital before the needs of labour. The outcomes of the Accord process were devastating both for the union movement as a whole as well as for individual workers. For the union movement it meant continued allegiance to ALP economic policy, which was increasingly focussed on wages policy (as indicated by Accord Mark II and its successors), and the dominance of the ACTU position over the decision-making capacities of affiliated unions. Because of the lack of class-based struggle some rank-and-file members have blamed their unions for the effect on their wages and conditions. The anti-union laws enacted by Coalition Governments prior to 1983 were not repealed by the Hawke and Keating Labor Governments and this set the scene for more punitive legislation, especially that of the current Howard administration. Overall, the partners to the Accord oversaw the erosion of the traditions of independent and militant unionism in Australia, bringing dismay and disillusionment among trade union members over the weakened state of unions. It also brought widespread disillusion with the ALP. For individual workers, the loss of real income and the acceptance of "productivity improvements" by trade unions (often giving up benefits won over many years) for small pay increases, was the reality of the Accord. Furthermore, only some of the promised social benefits were introduced. Income distribution statistics for the 1990-1996 period indicate that there was a growing disparity between the rich and poor. The basic principle underpinning the whole Accord process was the belief that improved profitability for capital, particularly if it is achieved by wage restraint in wage reductions as is occurring now, leads to increased investment and therefore higher demand for labour and improved job security for workers -- what is known as the "trickle-down" job creation theory. Such a theory requires unions to support increases in economic growth and profit rates as the solution to unemployment, based on the myth that labour and capital have mutual interests. Strength in the Workplace As the document correctly claims, workplace delegates are important to every union. But a careful balance is required between placing too many expectations on the role of worker- delegates (who already have their normal paid duties as employees) and on the importance of paid union organisers. A realistic assessment is required of just how much time workplace delegates have to take up the recruiting, servicing, bargaining, campaigning and organising non-union sites that is encouraged by the document. There are also the employer threats to active union shop delegates in circumstances where job security is nowhere near as strong as it used to be. Growth in new areas The document ties its strategies to one central priority -- the growth challenge, via recruiting. The aim of recruiting has to be to give direct voice and power to working people and recruiting is only one part of the story. If large membership and high density doesn't translate via decent union education and direct, regular, democratic participation into a strong united voice in the industry concerned, then recruitment is a waste of time. To argue for collective structures in every workplace is important, but these structures must enable membership involvement in decision-making in union policies and strategies, and in an informed and democratic way. Too many unions currently do not even hold regular branch meetings where the business of the union and wider related issues are discussed. The rank and file becomes disaffected if recruited and then not consulted democratically at the various levels of decision- making. Technology for the times Using the new communication technology to most effect for the movement is an important challenge, and requires careful planning. But these new tools (including call centres) must not be used to replace those people who best understand each workplace and industry. The technology must be used in a way which enhances their expertise and allows faster communication of issues and background information and sharing of tactics. A strong union voice The most important issues raised in this section are the need to fight for decent wages and conditions, to form strong alliances with other progressive community groups, and to develop international unionism. But they are raised in a very general way, and with no strategies on ways to carry through on wages and conditions, let alone the more complicated question of alliances. Surely one of the crucial ways to guarantee good wages and conditions for all workers is via a fair system of centralised wage-fixing, the principle of which the ACTU appears to have abandoned. Individual unions have strength when they organise and campaign in a context of overall strength of the whole movement, and of strong leadership from the ACTU. Lacks class perspective The document perpetuates the earlier Accord assumption that labour and capital have a mutuality of interests. As we have seen, the consequences of that false position have been devastating for workers, union membership and unions. In the section headed "Background to the report", a number of economic and labour market changes and trends are discussed, but in a way which implies that they are the outcome of some invisible economic mechanism called "globalisation". There is no mention of the intense class battles which are now growing by the day by labour and other progressive forces against the demands of international finance capital. This is a struggle which capital has, in many respects, been winning, despite the resistance of trade unions and community organisations around the world. Union delegates and organisers have become tied up in most workplaces with bargaining and local agreements, which is enormously time-consuming and leaves little energy for recruiting and campaigns on other important issues, like job security and privatisation. Key Issues for the Union Movement A more objective analysis of the situation indicates that the reasons for the weakened state of the union movement are very serious and are political, not merely organisational. Many workers do not see unions addressing the problems that concern them. The majority of unions do not take part in the wider political struggle, but remain tied up with the effects of the corporatist policies. The key issues facing the union movement today are: * The repeal of the regressive clauses of the Workplace Relations Act and the Trade Practices Act which are severely restricting the rights of unions, tying up union finances in expensive court costs and weakening the strength of the movement. Some related matters which flown from the above legislation and government policies include: - a return to industry bargaining and a centralised wage-fixing system with appropriate powers returned to the Federal Industrial Commission - an end to restrictions on the scope of awards to a narrow range of matters - opposition to individual and non-union agreements over union agreements - rejection of unfair dismissal laws which favour bosses - elimination of the present restriction on the right of unions to establish workplace organisation, including the right of entry to union officials - re-establishment in full of the right to strike - bringing under control and limiting part-time, casual and contract employment; * The adoption of real job creation programs to overcome unemployment (both apparent and hidden), and the loss of secure full-time, permanent part-time and well paid work for all who seek it; * A nationwide union recruitment drive to rapidly overcome the loss of union membership and density; * The maintenance of Australia's economic sovereignty, neglected by governments giving away controls over the economy which have undermined the country's industry base and the livelihoods of its urban and rural populations; * Attention to the widening inequality of incomes with associated social and health problems; * Real attention to the mainly feminised, part-time and highly casualised service sector; * Implementation of clear, democratic processes in unions with the opportunity for members to be involved in consultation and the decision-making processes; * Attention to the loss of working class perspective and the will to struggle; * The development of issues and programs which will give meaning to the call for cooperation between the trade union movement and community organisations. * A concerted campaign by all unions and the ACTU against any further privatisation of the public sector; * Effects on job losses, union membership and the impact on the social wage; * Development of a Sustainable Industry Policy with a call for the ALP to adopt it as their Industry Policy. Such a policy is the key to full employment, economic sovereignty, and ecologically sustainable production practices. *The Australian Socialist Coalition is a coalition of the Maritime Union Socialist Activities Association, the Communist Party o Australia, the Greek Atlas Association and Marxist Initiative. Copies of the full pamphlet are available from The Australian Socialist Coalition, PO Box 183, Haberfield, NSW 2045. ******************************************************************** -- Leftlink - Australia's Broad Left Mailing List mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] http://www.alexia.net.au/~www/mhutton/index.html Sponsored by Melbourne's New International Bookshop Subscribe: mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]?Body=subscribe%20leftlink Unsubscribe: mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]?Body=unsubscribe%20leftlink
