This is today's Jonah Goldberg Column from National Review.  He mentions 
libertarians 3 times.  And give a brillant analysis of conservatives' and 
libertarians' current views on Bush.  Jonah, a libertarian himself, gets it.  
 
Perhaps for 2008 libertarians and economic conservatives should be more 
forceful in ensuring that the GOP nominates someone with rockhard principles.  
 
 
Is He One of Us?
Wondering about Bush.



The bile accumulating on the Right toward the White House has reached China 
Syndrome proportions and is starting to melt through the floor. 



document.write('');    ');} else if (_version ');}// -->  Suddenly, 
conservatives are starting to question whether George W. Bush is even a one of 
them at all. One of my heroes, Robert Bork, recently wrote in the Wall Street 
Journal that "George W. Bush has not governed as a conservative. This George 
Bush, like his father, is showing himself to be indifferent, if not actively 
hostile, to conservative values." Conservative columnist Bruce Bartlett opines: 
"The truth that is now dawning on many movement conservatives is that George W. 
Bush is not one of them and never has been." Even at National Review Online — 
where I hang my hat most of the time — several of our contributors have echoed 
these concerns. 

I think this goes too far. Two factors contribute to this misdiagnosis: 
confusion and disappointment. 

Let's start with confusion. Contrary to most stereotypes, conservatism is a 
much less dogmatic ideology than modern liberalism. The reason liberals don't 
seem dogmatic and conservatives do is that liberals have settled their dogma, 
so it has become invisible to them. No liberal disputes in a serious 
philosophical way that the government should do good things where it can and 
when it can. Their debates aren't about ideology, they're about tactics. 
Indeed, the chief disagreement between leftists and liberals over the role of 
the state is almost entirely pragmatic. Moderate liberals think it's not 
practical — either economically or politically — to push for a dramatic 
expansion of the role of the state. Leftists think it would be a good idea 
politically and, despite all the evidence to the contrary, think it would work 
economically. 

Within conservatism, however, there are enormous philosophical arguments about 
the proper role of the state. This debate isn't merely between libertarians and 
social conservatives. It's also between conservatives who are "anti-left" 
versus those who are "anti-state." Neoconservatives, for example, are famously 
comfortable with an energetic, interventionist government as long as that 
government isn't run by secular, atheistic radicals, and socialists (I 
exaggerate a little for the sake of clarity). 

Think of it this way. One line of conservative thought says that public schools 
are bad because they are run by inefficient government bureaucrats who drain 
resources. Moreover, they might say, running schools is simply not the proper 
function of the government. Another line of conservative thought says that 
public schools are fine (and they're not going anywhere anyway). But they 
shouldn't be teaching crazy left-wing stuff about how America, traditional 
religion and capitalism are the unholy trinity of the world's problems. Don't 
get rid of public schools, they say, just make sure they get their values and 
priorities in order. 

Now, no conservative can be a full-blown statist, and very few conservatives 
subscribe to one of these lines of thought to the exclusion of the other. Some 
libertarians probably don't mind government funding of museums but take offense 
at the idea of taxpayer-funded pornographic blasphemy. And, there are certainly 
many social conservatives who'd love to privatize the U.S. Postal Service. But 
the relevant point is that Bush is definitely more of an anti-left guy than an 
anti-state guy (his valiant efforts at Social Security reform notwithstanding). 
He's comfortable with a conservative welfare state, hence his expansion of 
Medicare. Recall that he famously declared that "when someone hurts, government 
has to move." 

Libertarians spontaneously burst into flames when they say things like that. 

What has so confused liberals, meanwhile, is that they are still talking about 
Bush like he's primarily an anti-state guy, a la Reagan or Gingrich, even as 
he's spent lavishly on education, labor and regulation. 

Then there's disappointment. I don't think it violates my moratorium on writing 
about Miers if I say that her nomination was a letdown for many conservatives. 
And, while I don't think it's true of Bork himself, I do think many 
conservatives are using their legitimate anger about Miers and Bush's 
overspending as an excuse to jump ship from a lame duck presidency at its low 
point. If Iraq were a huge success right now and if Bush had picked a 
conservative stalwart for the bench, how many conservatives would be suggesting 
Bush isn't one of us? 

I have been critical of Bush's big-government conservatism for years. So I'm 
not entirely displeased by the venom being unleashed at that aspect of his 
presidency. However, Bush ran as a big-government conservative. And it's not 
fair to call our own buyer's remorse a betrayal by the seller.

— (c) 2005 Tribune Media Services


*   *   * 




Eric Dondero, Interpreter & ESL Instructor 

Author of "Worldwide Multilingual Phrase Book," "Vacation Spanish" & "Ingles 
Real".  

http://www.houstoninterpreter.com

 




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