Missing Portraits
Russell Roberts  
A picture is worth a thousand words.  So the New York Times Sunday  Magazine 
_article_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2006/01/15/magazine/15wage.html?pagewanted=1)   
(discussed earlier _here_ 
(http://cafehayek.typepad.com/hayek/2006/01/on_legislating_.html)   and _here_ 
(http://cafehayek.typepad.com/hayek/2006/01/vertical_demand.html)   by Don and 
me) that found so many reasons to love living 
wage ordinances and so  few reasons to be skeptical of their virtues, included 
powerful photographs of  workers who have benefited from living wage 
ordinances with poignant  descriptions of what these workers are doing with 
their 
raises: 
 
(javascript:pop_me_up2('http://www.nytimes.com/imagepages/2006/01/11/magazine/15cover.1.html',
 '15cover_1', 
'width=456,height=600,scrollbars=yes,toolbars=no,resizable=yes')) 
 
(javascript:pop_me_up2('http://www.nytimes.com/imagepages/2006/01/11/magazine/15cover.1.html',
 '15cover_1', 
'width=456,height=600,scrollbars=yes,toolbars=no,resizable=yes'))  
Alessandra Petlin for The New York Times
Name: Manuela Soto. Marital status: Single mom. Occupation:  Assistant hotel 
housekeeper. Home: Santa Fe, N.M. Hourly wage before local  "Living Wage" 
ordinance: $7.50. Hourly wage now: $9.50. What she'll do with  raise: Pay bills 
faster, offset higher gas prices, buy more supplies for sons.  _More  Photos >_ 
(javascript:pop_me_up2('http://www.nytimes.com/slideshow/2006/01/11/magazine/20
050115_WAGE_SLIDESHOW_index.html', '20050115_WAGE_SLIDESHOW', 
'width=750,height=600,scrollbars=yes,toolbars=no,resizable=yes')) 
Strangely enough, there were no pictures of the workers who had  lost their 
jobs because the legislation priced them out of the job market.   Nor were 
there any descriptions of how these people were coping with being  unemployed. 
I am proud not to be a progressive.
Posted in _Seen and  Unseen_ 
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Vertical Demand Curves
Russell Roberts  
A key issue in the debate over the virtues of the so-called living wage is  
whether the demand for labor slopes downward—will employers hire fewer workers  
when legislation forces employers to pay more? 
ACORN, the Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now, is the most 
 important advocate of living wage ordinances as reported in _this_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2006/01/15/magazine/15wage.html?pagewanted=1)   New 
York Times 
Sunday Magazine article.  (Don's post on the article is _here.)_ 
(http://cafehayek.typepad.com/hayek/2006/01/on_legislating_.html)  
I have read elsewhere that ACORN in 1995 tried to get itself exempted from  
the state of California's minimum wage legislation.  I have always wondered  
whether this was an urban legend.  Could it possibly be true?  It  appears to 
be 
true unless someone has hacked into the _Findlaw_ (http://lp.findlaw.com/)  
website.  (_Here's_ 
(http://login.findlaw.com/scripts/callaw?dest=ca/caapp4th/41/298.html)   the 
Court's judgment against ACORN.  If that doesn't work, try 
googling  this: Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now v. 
Department of  Industrial Relations (1995) 41 Cal.App.4th 298 , 48 Cal.Rptr.2d 
486.  
I'd  like to see ACORN's brief as well if someone knows how to dig it up.) 
Most of ACORN's critics delight in pointing out the hypocrisy of ACORN.   How 
could an organization that fights for higher wages deny its own workers  
those higher wages?  But I'm more interested in the arguments that ACORN  used 
to 
make their case.  Here, from the court's decision, is why ACORN  argued that 
applying the minimum wage to ACORN would have an adverse impact on  the 
organization: 
According to ACORN, this adverse impact will be manifested in two ways:  
first, ACORN will be forced to hire fewer workers; second, its workers, if  
paid 
the minimum wage, will be less empathetic with ACORN's low and moderate  income 
constituency and will therefore be less effective  advocates.
The first argument was that demand slopes downward. 
The second argument is why I'd always wondered whether this story was an  
urban legend.  The second argument seems worthy of Saturday Night Live if  the 
show were written by economists. 
I am proud not to be a progressive.
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The Market for Health Care
Russell Roberts  
Any time someone complains to you about how bad the market for the health  
care works, it's important to remind them that most areas of the health care  
system are highly regulated in a top-down fashion or heavily subsidized.   The 
top-down part is often hidden, but today, at least, it's out in the  open.  
>From the _New  York Times_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2006/01/16/politics/16drug.html?hp&ex=1137474000&en=f9353ff31dd315be&ei=5094&partner=homepage)
  (rr): 
With tens of thousands of people unable to get medicines promised by  
Medicare, the Bush administration has told insurers that they must provide a  
30-day 
supply of any drug that a beneficiary was previously taking, and it  said that 
poor people must not be charged more than $5 for a covered  drug.
Someone should ask Samuel Alito why this is constitutional. 
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January 15, 2006
On Legislating 'Living Wages'
Don Boudreaux  
Jon Gertner’s _cover article_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2006/01/15/magazine/15wage.html)   in today’s New York 
Times Magazine offers no surprises. It’s as  
predictable as what you’ll read here. 
Gertner reports on the movement for a “living wage” – a  movement working 
mostly at the local level, trying to persuade local governments  to legislate 
minimum wages well above the national minimum wage of $5.15 per  hour.
Of course, Gertner mentions the famous (or infamous) 1995  study by David 
Card and Alan Krueger in which the authors claim to find evidence  that a hike 
in 
New Jersey’s minimum wage caused no fall in employment and might  even have 
caused employment to increase. Card and Krueger are quoted, each  predictably 
insisting that their data exposes the error in the standard  economists’ 
analysis in which legislated minimum wages increase unemployment  among 
low-skilled 
workers.
Gertner makes no mention of the many critical responses to  Card’s and Krueger
’s study. (He does quote critic David Neumark – once – but  only on the 
success of the political movement for ‘living-wages,’ not on the  Card-Krueger 
study.) A good summary of the criticisms of Card-Krueger is _this essay_ 
(http://www.cato.org/pubs/regulation/reg18n1c.html)  by  Donald Deere, Kevin 
Murphy, 
and Finis Welch.  (I must also recommend _this  outstanding blog-post_ 
(http://econlog.econlib.org/archives/2005/05/infinite_contra.html)  by my 
colleague 
Bryan Caplan, over at EconLog.) 
Maybe Gertner can be forgiven, for Krueger told him that (in  Gertner’s 
words) “Some recent surveys of top academics show a significant  majority now 
agree 
that a modest raise in the minimum wage does little to harm  employment.” If 
a “significant majority” of “top academics” accepts the  Card-Krueger 
finding, why bother to talk with the lunatic fringe who cling to  the archaic 
superstition that higher minimum wages cause greater  unemployment?
But look more closely at what Krueger told Gertner – namely,  “top academics”
 (we’ll assume those to be economists and not sociologists and  experts on 
French literature) “agree that a modest raise in the minimum wage  does little 
harm to employment.” 

It seems as if Krueger is saying that  economists now agree that “modest” 
increases in the minimum wage are justified,  or at least not harmful. That is 
certainly Gertner’s reading of Krueger’s  meaning. 

But taken literally, the economist  consensus that Krueger reports is neither 
new nor inconsistent with the  traditional understanding that higher minimum 
wages reduce employment. This  understanding has nothing to do with the extent 
of the effect that higher  minimum wages have on employment; it has to do 
with the direction of the effect:  higher minimum wages, lower rates of 
employment of un- and low-skilled  workers. 

Because more than 95 percent of American  workers have skills sufficient to 
enable them to earn wages higher than the  federal minimum, any “modest raise 
in the minimum wage” is unlikely to have an  effect on employment that is more 
than modest. 

But let’s assume that Krueger really  means something more substantive – 
namely, that economists have been wrong to  assert that higher legislated 
minimum 
wages increase unemployment – and that,  therefore, the economists’ case 
against the minimum wage is without merit.  (Again, this meaning is the one 
that 
Gertner takes from Krueger.) 

Because there are margins other than  pecuniary wage rates upon which 
employers and employees can adjust, it’s  possible that higher legislated 
minimum 
wages don’t so much reduce employment as  reduce the quality of available 
employment. Most obviously, employers of  low-skilled workers can reduce (or 
not 
increase) fringe benefits, or they can  work their employees harder (thereby 
extracting more output per hour from  them). 

If the brunt of employer and employee  adjustments to higher minimum wages 
take place on these non-wage-rate margins,  even the finest empirical studies 
will show little or no effect of higher  minimum wages on the rate of 
employment. 

But it would still be a grotesque error  to conclude that low-skilled workers 
are generally better off as a consequence  of the higher minimum wage. 
Posted in _Prices_ (http://cafehayek.typepad.com/hayek/prices/index.html) , 
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January 13, 2006
Munich
Russell Roberts  
_This  commentary_ 
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/01/12/AR2006011201541.html?nav=hcmodule)
  (rr) by Charles Krauthammer gives 
some of the reasons why I won't  be seeing Spielberg's new movie Munich. 
He could also have mentioned that killing murderers is not the same as  
murder.

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Maryland Malfeasance
Russell Roberts  
Maryland has now passed legislation (overriding Governor Ehrlich's veto)  
requiring large employers to spend at least 8% of their payroll costs on health 
 
care or pay money into the state's coffers.  Only Wal-Mart will be affected  
by this requirement. 
You can spend a semester on why this legislation is likely to hurt poor  
people and low-skilled workers.  _This_ 
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/01/11/AR2006011102001.html)
   unsigned Washington Post 
editorial gets it right: 
The Maryland bill is a legislative mugging masquerading as an act of  
benevolent social engineering. It is true that skyrocketing health care costs  
and 
the growing ranks of uninsured workers represent a burden on the state's  
health 
system that other corporations in effect help subsidize. But Wal-Mart  
employees, like the employees of other large retailers that employ many  
low-wage 
workers, are only slightly more likely to collect Medicaid benefits  than the 
national average. And unlovable as it may be, Wal-Mart serves low-  and 
middle-income people, both by creating entry-level and part-time jobs for  
people who 
might otherwise be unemployed and by saving its moderate-income  customers a 
staggering amount of money. 
The legislation has prompted imitators in 30 states. Where it passes, no  one 
should be surprised by unintended consequences. Wal-Mart and other  targeted 
firms may shift jobs or planned facilities elsewhere. Many low-wage  younger 
workers may still opt out of health coverage even if offered a more  generous 
plan. In trying to address the national problems of health care and  uninsured 
workers, lawmakers in Maryland and other states could inflict on  themselves a 
new set of problems while failing to solve the underlying  one.
Posted in _Regulation_ 
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January 12, 2006
ABCs of Education
Don Boudreaux  
_John Stossel_ (http://abcnews.go.com/2020/ABCNEWSSpecial/)   promises to 
have much good information and wisdom about schooling in _this hour-long 
special_ 
(http://abcnews.go.com/2020/)  that will be  telecast tomorrow night.  I'll 
not miss it. 
Stossel truly is the finest broadcast journalist of our age, specializing (as 
 he does) in making that which typically is unseen seen. 
I'm also eager, by the way, to read his forthcoming book. 
Posted in _Education_ 
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January 11, 2006
The Temptation to Subsidize
Russell Roberts  
Pete Geddes of the Foundation for Research on Economics and the Environment  
_(FREE)_ (http://www.free-eco.org/index.php)  does an excellent job in  _this 
column_ (http://www.free-eco.org/articleDisplay.php?id=486)   describing why 
subsidizing "good" kinds of energy (wind farms and biofuels) have  perverse 
effects due to political manipulation and the law of unintended  consequences.  
An excerpt: 
When we subsidize things that trade in the market, we benefit the well off  
and well organized at the expense of the most vulnerable members of society.  
This holds true whether in Bozeman, Boston, or Birmingham.
Geddes goes on to quote George Will.  It's such a good quote I dug up  Will's 
column (from 2/4/1993 in the Washington Post) to find the context.   The 
column is about how streetcar companies and later taxicab companies  used 
regulations to keep out competition from jitneys serving poor people.   The 
column 
opens: 
The world, a wit has said, is divided into two kinds of people, those who  
divide the world into two kinds of people and those who do not. I say: The  
world is divided between those who do and those who do not understand that  
activist, interventionist, regulating, subsidizing government is generally a  
servant of the strong and entrenched against the weak and  aspiring.
That last part (after "I say") is what Geddes quoted.  The ending of the  
column is equally eloquent: 
The world is divided into two kinds of people, those who want to prosper by  
competing and those who want to prosper by getting government to cripple their 
 competitors. America is divided between genuine entrepreneurs and those  
persons whose entrepreneurship consists of turning government into a dispenser  
of privilege and injustice.




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Atlas Should Punt
Don Boudreaux  
Is there no end to politicians' pretensions?  The New Orleans City  Council 
is now _meddling  in choosing a head coach_ 
(http://sportsillustrated.cnn.com/2006/football/nfl/01/09/bc.fbn.williamsresoluti.ap/)
  for the _New Orleans 
Saints_ (http://www.neworleanssaints.com/)  football  team. 
Isn't the city's rebuilding effort enough to occupy these pols?   Actually, 
come to think of it, better that the city's politicians ruin the  football team 
by meddling in it rather than ruin the city by meddling in the  rebuilding 
effort. 
(Hat tip to Andy Morriss.) 
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January 10, 2006
The Real World
Don Boudreaux  
Today I listened to some of the broadcast of the confirmation  hearings of 
Supreme Court nominee Samuel Alito. The part I caught included  questioning by 
Sen. Joe Biden. Biden expressed great admiration for retiring  Justice Sandra 
Day O’Connor (whom Alilto is nominated to replace). Biden kept  saying that 
Justice O’Connor understood “the real world” and cared about “the  real world.” 
Clearly, Biden was suggesting that good judges pay attention to  “the real 
world” – and that failure to pay attention to the real world (say, by  instead 
paying attention only to abstractions) is a mark of a poor judge. 
I agree with Biden that the real world is important. Law  grows from 
experience. Good law cannot be deduced logically by a genius or a  committee of 
geniuses. 
But I suspect that Biden’s concept of the real world differs  from my own. 
What is the real world? 
The real-world examples used by Biden to flesh out his  conviction that a 
good Supreme Court justice is one who pays attention to the  real world were of 
employees who were fired or not promoted because of alleged  workplace 
discrimination. My guess is that Biden regards any political or  judicial 
theory that 
is skeptical of granting relief for such real-world  discrimination as a 
theory that ignores the real world – a theory that callously  elevates 
abstractions 
over reality. 
If I were before Sen. Biden's committee, I’d respond to  Biden’s remarks 
like this: 
Senator, I, too, believe that law is a product exclusively  of the real world 
and should not be divorced from it. I agree with Oliver  Wendell Holmes’s 
observation that law is no “brooding omnipresence.”  But  Senator, we must be 
careful about what we take to be the real world. The real  world is not limited 
to the here and now; it’s not limited to the plaintiff  and defendant in 
whatever case happens to be in front of the court. It’s not  limited to the 
people 
we can see and hear standing before us or shouting  behind us.

The real world exists through time and vast space. It  includes millions of 
people whose names and faces we don’t know and will never  encounter – but 
each of whom is as real as you and me. The fact that we – you  and me – don’t 
see these persons and don’t know them doesn’t make them unreal  or less-real 
than the people we do see and hear and touch and smell  in our courtrooms and 
in 
the lobbies of our legislative halls.

So let’s say we have a statute aimed at preventing  employment discrimination 
against disabled people. I ask: Which disabled  people? And I answer: all 
disabled people. Surely being a man committed to the  real world you understand 
that this country contains many more disabled people  beyond the one who sues a 
company under the statute. If the court grants  relief to the plaintiff – the 
disabled worker who filed the suit demanding  (say) that his employer build a 
special elevator just for his use – that  real-world disabled worker might 
well be helped. But what if the consequence  of applying the statute in this 
way 
makes it less likely that disabled people  will be hired in the future and by 
other companies?

I realize, Senator, that judges’ scope for making policy  decisions is far 
narrower than that enjoyed by legislators.  And I agree  that judges' role is 
not to rewrite legislation. But please, Senator, don’t  insult me or the 
audience listening to _this  political spectacle_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2006/01/11/politics/politicsspecial1/11senators.html)  
by insinuating that only persons, 
such as yourself,  who focus only on the anecdote, only on a handful of 
identifiable persons,  have a monopoly on caring about the real world. Don’t 
suggest 
that those of us  who care about rules – who understand that rules are to be 
judged by their  performance over time and space rather than by how they work 
in any one  instance – are less concerned about the real-world than you  are.

Indeed, Senator, because I understand that statutes and  legal rulings have 
effects far _beyond those which  are seen_ 
(http://www.econlib.org/library/Bastiat/basEss1.html) , I dare say that I am 
more aware of the real-world than are 
those  – such as you, Senator? – who typically judge a rule to be good or 
bad based  exclusively upon how it affects a single or a few identifiable  
persons.

Senator Biden, the issue isn't whether or not the real  world matters. We all 
agree that it does. What separates you and me, Senator,  is that I don’t 
ignore that part of the real-world that is less visible than  that relatively 
small part that attracts the attention of politicians and the  press.
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