<You claimed "Any tariff on imports only, no matter how evenly
distributed, are protectionist".  That is 100% unadulterated pure bullshit.  
Every person you mentioned and every single libertarian Nobel Prize winning 
economist would disagree with you.  No economist on earth would ever say that a 
flat 3% tariff is even the slighest bit protectionist.>

  Gosh Paul, I'm starting to think that maybe you need some edumacation in this 
here eckynomonics. I know that we are all a bunch of hicks and that you know 
what is best for us, but now it seems you done gone and said something wrong.
   
  In fact, Murray Rothbard did have something to say on tariffs, and it almost 
seems like he was speaking directly to you! 
   
  Tariffs are always protectionist. In fact, every argument you have made so 
far is protectionist. You say that bringing in foreign goods is harmful to 
American manufacturers, so one can *only* assume that by levying a tariff, even 
one so small as 3%, that you intend to "protect" American manufacturers.
   
  Anyway, I'll let Mr. Rothbard, one of those people that you claim would 
disagree with me, speak for himself:
   
   
  Excerpted from Protectionism and the Destruction of Prosperity by Murray N. 
Rothbard, Monograph first published in the Mises Institute, 1986:
   
  How To Look at Tariffs and Quotas
  The best way to look at tariffs or import quotas or other protectionist 
restraints is to forget about political boundaries. Political boundaries of 
nations may be important for other reasons, but they have no economic meaning 
whatever. Suppose, for example, that each of the United States were a separate 
nation. Then we would hear a lot of protectionist bellyaching that we are now 
fortunately spared. Think of the howls by high-priced New York or Rhode Island 
textile manufacturers who would then be complaining about the "unfair," "cheap 
labor" competition from various low-type "foreigners" from Tennessee or North 
Carolina, or vice versa.
   
  Fortunately, the absurdity of worrying about the balance of payments is made 
evident by focusing on inter-state trade. For nobody worries about the balance 
of payments between New York and New Jersey, or, for that matter, between 
Manhattan and Brooklyn, because there are no customs officials recording such 
trade and such balances.
  If we think about it, it is clear that a call by New York firms for a tariff 
against North Carolina is a pure ripoff of New York (as well as North Carolina) 
consumers, a naked grab for coerced special privilege by less efficient 
business firms. If the 50 states were separate nations, the protectionists 
would then be able to use the trappings of patriotism, and distrust of 
foreigners, to camouflage and get away with their looting the consumers of 
their own region.
  Fortunately, inter-state tariffs are unconstitutional. But even with this 
clear barrier, and even without being able to wrap themselves in the cloak of 
nationalism, protectionists have been able to impose inter-state tariffs in 
another guise. Part of the drive for continuing increases in the federal 
minimum-wage law is to impose a protectionist devise against lower-wage, 
lower-labor-cost competition from North Carolina and other southern states 
against their New England and New York competitors.
  During the 1966 Congressional battle over a higher federal minimum wage, for 
example, the late Senator Jacob Javits (R-NY) freely admitted that one of his 
main reasons for supporting the bill was to cripple the southern competitors of 
New York textile firms. Since southern wages are generally lower than in the 
north, the business firms hardest hit by an increased minimum wage (and the 
workers struck by unemployment) will be located in the south.
  Another way in which interstate trade restrictions have been imposed has been 
in the fashionable name of "safety." Government-organized state milk cartels in 
New York, for example, have prevented importation of milk from nearby New 
Jersey under the patently spurious grounds that the trip across the Hudson 
would render New Jersey milk "unsafe."
  If tariffs and restraints on trade are good for a country, then why not 
indeed for a state or region? The principle is precisely the same. In America s 
first great depression, the Panic of 1819, Detroit was a tiny frontier town of 
only a few hundred people. Yet protectionist cries arose—fortunately not 
fulfilled—to prohibit all "imports" from outside of Detroit, and citizens were 
exhorted to buy only Detroit. If this nonsense had been put into effect, 
general starvation and death would have ended all other economic problems for 
Detroiters.
  So why not restrict and even prohibit trade, i.e., "imports," into a city, or 
a neighborhood, or even on a block, or, to boil it down to its logical 
conclusion, to one family? Why shouldn t the Jones family issue a decree that 
from now on, no member of the family can buy any goods or services produced 
outside the family house? Starvation would quickly wipe out this ludicrous 
drive for self-sufficiency.
  And yet we must realize that this absurdity is inherent in the logic of 
protectionism. Standard protectionism is just as preposterous, but the rhetoric 
of nationalism and national boundaries has been able to obscure this vital fact.
  The upshot is that protectionism is not only nonsense, but dangerous 
nonsense, destructive of all economic prosperity. We are not, if we were ever, 
a world of self-sufficient farmers. The market economy is one vast latticework 
throughout the world, in which each individual, each region, each country, 
produces what he or it is best at, most relatively efficient in, and exchanges 
that product for the goods and services of others. Without the division of 
labor and the trade based upon that division, the entire world would starve. 
Coerced restraints on trade—such as protectionism—cripple, hobble, and destroy 
trade, the source of life and prosperity. Protectionism is simply a plea that 
consumers, as well as general prosperity, be hurt so as to confer permanent 
special privilege upon groups of less efficient producers, at the expense of 
more competent firms and of consumers. But it is a peculiarly destructive kind 
of bailout, because it permanently shackles trade under the cloak of
 patriotism.
  

Paul <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
  You claimed "Any tariff on imports only, no matter how evenly
distributed, are protectionist".  That is 100% unadulterated pure
bullshit.  Every person you mentioned and every single libertarian
Nobel Prize winning economist would disagree with you.  No economist
on earth would ever say that a flat 3% tariff is even the slighest bit
protectionist.  

There is no way that anyone can legitimately claim that a voluntary
choice of bringing goods into America while knowing a tariff is
associated with tariffs, when they could just as easily avoid the
tariff by selling domestic goods is an initiation of force.  

I've never said that tariffs can't be harmful, but if they are low
enough as to not be protectionist (3% is not protectionist by any
stretch of the imagination) they are not harmful.



--- In [email protected], Cory Nott <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
>
> I've joined, and I believe that so would such great Libertarian
thinkers as Frederic Bastiat, Murray Rothbard, F.A. Hayek, Ludwig Von
Mises, and so on. But of course, we have someone here is smarter than
everyone else and must "educate" us in the proper application of
Libertarianism.
> 
>   Any tariff on imports only, no matter how evenly distributed, are
protectionist. It compels those who buy domestic merchandise to pay
higher prices than they would if they bought them abroad. There is no
way Paul can claim that there is no initiation of force involved here,
even though the Constitution granted the government the power to
implement tariffs, that was an initiation of force cemented in the
formation of our government. Paul's argument about markets is
collectivist in nature - the buyer and seller do not have control of
their market; their property is subject to the rules laid out by the
Federal government, weak though the rules might be.
>    
>   I do, however, believe that he is correct that a low, evenly
distributed tariff isn't a bad way to fund the government as long as
it's capped and can't be applied selectively to different industries,
countries of origin or specific manufacturers. From 1783 to 1807 and
1846 to 1860 we had no or low taxes, low tariffs, and hard currency
and the country prospered naturally (rather than as a result of pent
up demand that comes after a major war) more than during any other
period. 
>    
>   So, he's correct that tariffs can be good, but he's wrong that
they aren't an initiation of force, and he's wrong that they aren't
harmful. They just aren't "too harmful" compared to most other ways
we'd fund government (other than by voluntary donations.)
>    
>    
>    
>    
>    
>   
> [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
>   From: uncoolrabbit <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
> > Forget his metaphors Boyd and join with me in asking
> > 
> > "How, in a Libertarian Society, is it not an initiation of force 
> > to mandate a seller to charge, and a buyer to pay, to the goverment, 
> > a Tax on the sale of those goods?"
> 
> OK.  Consider me joined.
> 
> Anybody else wish to ask the question?
> 
> BWS
> 
> 
> ForumWebSiteAt  http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Libertarian 
> 
> 
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