Hello All,

For those of you who have bought lock, stock, and barrel the canard that the 
people of the Middle East hate us for our freedoms here is an article that 
provides a reality check to that absurdity.

Below is a quote from the piece and it pretty much puts this myth to rest IMO:

"We need to acknowledge that we are at war, not because of who we are, but 
because of what we do. We are confronting a jihad that is inspired by the 
tangible and visible impact of our policies. People are willing to die for 
that, and we're not going to win by killing them off one by one. We have a 
dozen years of reliable polling in the Middle East, and it shows overwhelming 
hostility to our policies-and at the same time it shows majorities that admire 
the way we live, our ability to feed and clothe our children and find work. We 
need to tell the truth to set the stage for a discussion of our foreign 
policy." 


Six Questions for Michael Scheuer on National Security
Posted on Wednesday, August 23, 2006. By Ken Silverstein. 
Sources
Michael Scheuer served in the CIA for 22 years before resigning in 2004; he 
served as the chief of the bin Laden unit at the Counterterrorist Center from 
1996 to 1999. He is the formerly anonymous author of Imperial Hubris: Why the 
West is Losing the War on Terror and Through Our Enemies' Eyes: Osama bin 
Laden, Radical Islam, and the Future of America. I met him for breakfast last 
week at an IHOP in the Virginia suburbs outside of Washington. Over a plate of 
eggs and hash browns, he answered a series of questions about the current state 
of the Bush Administration's "War on Terrorism." His prognosis was illuminating 
and insightful-and, unfortunately, almost unrelentingly grim.

1. We're coming up on the five-year anniversary of the 9/11 attacks. Is the 
country safer or more vulnerable to terrorism?

On balance, more vulnerable. We're safer in terms of aircraft travel. We're 
safer from being attacked by some dumbhead who tries to come into the country 
through an official checkpoint; we've spent  billions on that. But for the most 
part our victories have been tactical and not strategic. There have been 
important successes by the intelligence services and Special Forces in 
capturing and killing Al Qaeda militants, but in the long run that's just a 
body count, not progress.  We can't capture them one by one and bring them to 
justice. There are too many of them, and more now than before September 11. In 
official Western rhetoric these are finite organizations, but every time we 
interfere in Muslim countries they get more support. 

In the long run, we're not safer because we're still operating on the 
assumption that we're hated because of our freedoms, when in fact we're hated 
because of our actions in the Islamic world. There's our military presence in 
Islamic countries, the perception that we control the Muslim world's oil 
production, our support for Israel and for countries that oppress Muslims such 
as China, Russia, and India, and our own support for Arab tyrannies. The deal 
we made with Qadaffi in Libya looks like hypocrisy: we'll make peace with a 
brutal dictator if it gets us oil. President Bush is right when he says all 
people aspire to freedom but he doesn't recognize that people have different 
definitions of democracy. Publicly promoting democracy while supporting tyranny 
may be the most damaging thing we do. From the standpoint of democracy, Saudi 
Arabia looks much worse than Iran. We use the term "Islamofascism"-but we're 
supporting it in Saudi Arabia, with Mubarak in Egypt, and even Jordan is a 
police state. We don't have a strategy because we don't have a clue about what 
motivates our enemies. 

2. Is Al Qaeda stronger or weaker than it was five years ago?

The quality of its leadership is not as high as it was in 2001, because we've 
killed and captured so many of its leaders. But they have succession planning 
that works very well. We keep saying that we're killing their leaders, but you 
notice that we keep having to kill their number twos, threes and fours all over 
again. They bring in replacements, and these are not novices off the 
street-they're understudies. From the very first, bin Laden has said that he's 
just one person and Al Qaeda is a vanguard organization, that it needs other 
Muslims to join them. He's always said that his primary goal is to incite 
attacks by people who might not have any direct contact with Al Qaeda. Since 
2001, and especially since mid-2005, there's been an increase in the number of 
groups that were not directly tied to Al Qaeda but were inspired by bin Laden's 
words and actions. 

We also shouldn't underestimate the stature of bin Laden and Zawahiri in the 
Muslim world now that they've survived five years of war with the United 
States. You see commentary in the Muslim press: "How have they been able to 
defy the United States? It takes something special." Their heroic status is an 
important fact. It helps explain why these cells keep popping up. Meanwhile, Al 
Qaeda is also assisting insurgencies in Afghanistan and Iraq. I agree with the 
view that we've moved from man and organization to philosophy and movement, but 
one hasn't entirely replaced the other. There are three levels: Al Qaeda 
central is still intact; there are groups long affiliated with Al Qaeda, in 
places like Kashmir, the Philippines, and Indonesia; and there are the new 
groups inspired by Al Qaeda. 

3. Given all this, why hasn't there been an attack on the United States for the 
past five years?

It's not just a lack of capacity; they're not ready to do it. They put more 
emphasis on success than speed, and the next attack has to be bigger than 9/11. 
They could shoot up a mall if that's what they wanted to do. But the world is 
going their way. Our leaders have been clever in defining success as preventing 
a big terrorist attack on the United States, but we've lost some 3,000 soldiers 
in Iraq and Afghanistan. We've spent billions on those wars, and as in Vietnam 
the government has suffered a real hit on its credibility. The war in Iraq has 
created huge divisiveness in our domestic politics, not to mention in our 
relationships with our European allies. At the same time, there are more people 
willing to take up arms against the United States, and we have less ability to 
win hearts and minds in the Arab world. If you're bin Laden living in a cave, 
all those things are part of the war and those things are going your way. 

4. Has the war in Iraq helped or hurt in the fight against terrorism?

It broke the back of our counterterrorism program. Iraq was the perfect 
execution of a war that demanded jihad to oppose it. You had an infidel power 
invading and occupying a Muslim country and it was perceived to be unprovoked. 
Many senior Western officials said that bin Laden was not a scholar and 
couldn't declare a jihad but other Muslim clerics did. So that religious 
question was erased. 

Secondly, Iraq is in the Arab heartland and, far more than Afghanistan, is a 
magnet for mujahideen. You can see this in the large number of people crossing 
the border to fight us. It wasn't a lot at the start, but there's been a steady 
growth as the war continues. The war has validated everything bin Laden said: 
that the United States will destroy any strong government in the Arab world, 
that it will seek to destroy Israel's enemies, that it will occupy Muslim holy 
places, that it will seize Arab oil, and that it will replace God's law with 
man's law. We see Iraq as a honey pot that attracts jihadists whom we can kill 
there instead of fighting them here. We are ignoring that Iraq is not just a 
place to kill Americans; Al Qaeda has always said that it requires safe havens. 
It has said it couldn't get involved with large numbers in the Balkans war 
because it had no safe haven in the region. Now they have a safe haven in Iraq, 
which is so big and is going to be so unsettled for so long. For the first 
time, it gives Al Qaeda contiguous access to the Arabian Peninsula, to Turkey, 
and to the Levant. We may have written the death warrant for Jordan. If we pull 
out of Iraq, we have a problem in that we may have to leave a large contingent 
of troops in Jordan. All of this is a tremendous advantage for Al Qaeda. We've 
moved the center of jihad a thousand miles west from Afghanistan to the Middle 
East. 

5. Things seemed to have turned for the worse in Afghanistan too. What's your 
take on the situation there?

The President was sold a bill of goods by George Tenet and the CIA-that a few 
dozen intel guys, a few hundred Special Forces, and truckloads of money could 
win the day. What happened is what's happened ever since Alexander the Great, 
three centuries before Christ: the cities fell quickly, which we mistook for 
victory. Three years later, the Taliban has regrouped, and there's a strong 
insurgency. We paid a great price for demonizing the Taliban. We saw them as 
evil because they didn't let women work, but that's largely irrelevant in 
Afghanistan. They provided nationwide law and order for the first time in 25 
years; we destroyed that and haven't replaced it. They're remembered in 
Afghanistan for their harsh, theocratic rule, but remembered more for the 
security they provided. In the end, we'll lose and leave. The idea that we can 
control Afghanistan with 22,000 soldiers, most of whom are indifferent to the 
task, is far-fetched. The Soviets couldn't do it with 150,000 soldiers and 
utter brutality. Before the invasion of Afghanistan, [the military historian] 
John Keegan said the only way to go there was as a punitive mission, to destroy 
your enemy and get out. That was prescient; our only real mission there should 
have been to kill bin Laden and Zawahiri and as many Al Qaeda fighters as 
possible, and we didn't do it. 

6. Has the war in Lebanon also been a plus for the jihadists?

Yes. The Israel-Hezbollah battle validates bin Laden. It showed that the Arab 
regimes are useless, that they can't protect their own nationals, and that they 
are apostate regimes that are creatures of the infidels. It also showed that 
the Americans will let Israel do whatever it wants. It was clear from the way 
the West reacted that it would let Israel take its best shot before it tried 
diplomacy. I saw an article in the Arab press-in London, I think-that said 
Lebanon was like a caught fish, that the United States nailed it to the wall 
and Israel gutted it. The most salient point it showed for Islamists is that 
Muslim blood is cheap. Israel said it went to war to get back its captured 
soldiers. The price was the gutting of Lebanon. Olmert said that Israel would 
fight until it got its soldiers back and until Hezbollah was disarmed. Neither 
happened. No matter how you spin it, this will be viewed as a victory for 
Hezbollah. Israel withdrew from southern Lebanon six years ago. Since then 
there have been the two intifadas, and now this. The idea of Israel being 
militarily omnipotent is fading. 

7. And finally, an extra question-what needs to be done?

This may be a country bumpkin approach, but the truth is the best place to 
start. We need to acknowledge that we are at war, not because of who we are, 
but because of what we do. We are confronting a jihad that is inspired by the 
tangible and visible impact of our policies. People are willing to die for 
that, and we're not going to win by killing them off one by one. We have a 
dozen years of reliable polling in the Middle East, and it shows overwhelming 
hostility to our policies-and at the same time it shows majorities that admire 
the way we live, our ability to feed and clothe our children and find work. We 
need to tell the truth to set the stage for a discussion of our foreign policy. 

At the core of the debate is oil. As long as we and our allies are dependent on 
Gulf oil, we can't do anything about the perception that we support Arab 
tyranny-the Saudis, the Kuwaitis, and other regimes in the region. Without the 
problem of oil, who cares who rules Saudi Arabia? If we solved the oil problem, 
we could back away from the contradiction of being democracy promoters and 
tyranny protectors. We should have started on this back in 1973, at the time of 
the first Arab oil embargo, but we've never moved away from our dependence. As 
it stands, we are going to have to fight wars if anything endangers the oil 
supply in the Middle East. 

What you want with foreign policy is options. Right now we don't have options 
because our economy and our allies' economies are dependent on Middle East oil. 
What benefit do we get by letting China commit genocide-by-inundation by moving 
thousands and thousands of Han Chinese to overcome the dominance of Muslim 
Uighurs? What do we get out of supporting Putin in Chechnya? He may need to do 
it to maintain his country, but we don't need to support what looks like a 
rape, pillage, and kill campaign against Muslims. The other area is Israel and 
Palestine. We're not going to abandon the Israelis but we need to reestablish 
the relationship so it looks like we're the great power and they're our ally, 
and not the other way around. We need to create a situation where moderate 
Muslims can express support for the United States without being laughed off the 
block.  

* * *

[More Washington Babylon]
[Contact Ken Silverstein]
[About Washington Babylon] 

This is Six Questions for Michael Scheuer on National Security by Ken 
Silverstein, published Wednesday, August 23, 2006. It is part of Washington 
Babylon, which is part of Harpers.org. 
Written By
Silverstein, Ken


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Recently Added
Six Questions for Michael Scheuer on National Security, by Ken Silverstein. 
(August 23) 
Weekly Review, by Christian Lorentzen. (August 22) 
His Prerogative. From Diary of a Lost Girl: The Autobiography of Kola Boof, 
published last February by Door of Kush Books. Boof has written for the NBC 
daytime drama Days of Our Lives. In 2003, when she was interviewed on Fox News 
by Rita Cosby, the network reported that Boof had lived for several months in 
1996 on an estate in Morocco with Osama bin Laden. (August 22) 
Harper's Index for July 2006. (August 21) 
A Cartoon, by Mr. Fish. (August 18) 
Buzz Kill. From a letter sent in May to the manufacturers of Lambrini, a 
pear-flavored "semi-sparkling party drink," by Daniel Watt of the U.K. 
Advertising Standards Authority's Copy Advice Team, regarding three proposed 
advertisements. Because of prior violations of alcohol-advertising regulations, 
Lambrini's manufacturer, Halewood International, is required to submit proposed 
advertisements to the ASA for approval. (August 17) 
Weekly Review, by Paul Ford. (August 15) 
Life Sentences. From a list of 98 sample sentences used by Department of 
Homeland Security officials for testing applicants for American citizenship. 
The examiner gives two sentences to the applicant, who must be able to read one 
aloud and write the other down. Since 1997 immigration officials have been 
working on designing a new test but have been unable to settle political 
differences about the content. Alfonso Aguilar, head of the Office of 
Citizenship, has promised that a new test will be designed by 2007. (August 14) 
Green Zone. From emails between Robert J. Stein, Philip Bloom, and Army Reserve 
officers implicated as co-conspirators in an indictment against Stein, an 
employee of the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq in 2003 and 2004. Stein 
was responsible for $82 million in CPA reconstruction funds. In February he 
pleaded guilty to five felony counts, admitting he stole more than $2 million 
and funneled $9 million in contracts to Bloom. (August 11) 
AIPAC Points to Legion of Doom in Bekaa Valley, by Ken Silverstein. (August 10) 
More...
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