Treason?? Simple Inquiry Of Fact....Part 17 Exodus to Self-Government PART 17
An Historical Record Knowledge UPDATE and No Cost Downloads for further private research and inquiry. We can learn from history how past generations thought and acted, how they responded to the demands of their time and how they solved their problems. We can learn by analogy, not by example, for our circumstances will always be different than theirs were. The main thing history can teach us is that human actions have consequences and that certain choices, once made, cannot be undone. They foreclose the possibility of making other choices and thus they determine future events. Our ignorance of history causes us to slander our own times. Flaubert DaySpring Gatherings Network Gabriel Paul February 22, 2008 DaySpring Blog by Gabriel Paul RSS Feed here: http://feeds.feedburner.com/DayspringGatheringsNetworkBlogByGabrielPaul <http://feeds.feedburner.com/DayspringGatheringsNetworkBlogByGabrielPaul\ > Truth the Greatest Disinfectant like Light against Disinformation, Lies and Spin "School" is a Misnomer, except in the sense of a Flock. Nor do the professed exegetical efforts of the faculty on leading questions seem to entitle them to be called a "school" in any sense, for 1st. They assert, as a fact, that the united states are a national unity or state, because the preamble says: "We, the people of the United States, do ordain and establish this constitution;" when the phrase itself disproves the assertion, necessitating, as it does, pre-existent commonwealths, which, being independent, must voluntarily come together, as thirteen persons would, for a common purpose, without the associates losing their inalienable bestowed personalities. This alone is decisive; and the phrases that signify "union of states" and "citizens of states;" the fact that the states are named in the instrument; the seventh and characterizing article; and numerous historical proofs of error of the assertion, need not be adduced. 2nd. They assert the article declaring the constitution to be "supreme law of the land," makes the government which springs from the law, and is subject to the law, supreme over the law-maker. Stating their contention is the reductio ad absurdum. 3rd. They say that while the "constitution" created a national sovereignty for certain "specified purposes, it expressly reserved to the states all other political rights and powers." [World, June 3, 1868; Lincoln, 1861.] As to the "national sovereignty," see the last point. A government in a republic cannot be a sovereignty at all. It can only have delegated powers, and be the creature and subordinate of the delegators. It (the constitution) reserves nothing; but the states that maide, "reserved" all they did not delegate. 4th. They speak of the "constitution prohibiting" states from "laying duties," "keeping troops without consent of Congress," "coining money,", etc., etc. [See Mr. George Curtis's letter to the Round Table, July 25, 1868]; whereas these so-called prohibitions are self-imposed restrictions upon the states, which the constitution merely evidences. These few of the numerous "interpretations" show what sort of a school "the so-called interpreters of Massachusetts keep. If the word simply implies gregariousness, its propriety cannot be question, for the gathering and following have been large. But, aside from the interest, the only reason for the following is best given by Jeremy Bentham, is his "Fragment of Government" [page 25]. "Under the sanction of a great name, every string of words, however unmeaning, will have a certain currency. Reputation adds weight to sentiments which, had they stood alone, might have drawn nothing, perhaps, but contempt .Wonderful is that influence which is gained over young minds by the man who, on account of whatever class of merit, is esteemed in the character of a preceptor. Those who have derived, or fancy they have derived, knowledge from what he knows, or appears to know, will naturally be for judging as he judges, reasoning as he reasons, approving as he approves, and condemning as he condemns." It is surprising, and indeed humiliating, to see how dependent and gregarious the most of our learned commentators, critics, editors, and statesmen are, even in matters of high and momentus duty, requiring independent and conscientious judgment. All must follow some bell. For instance, in our day numerous expositors getting an idea or prejudice from Webster, Lincoln or Story, and never looking at the basis of it, but spending the rest of their lives in obtaining sustenance for it, and passing by, in the groping and culling search, innumerable shining, yes, almost dazzling gems of counter-truth, without noticing them. In proceeding to show that the whole ground of controversy between the federal and the national theories, is covered by averments of fact, or inferences therefrom; and that, as the one theory is plain truth, and the other plain untruth, the American people should stop the controversy at once, by branding as falsifiers one or the other of the two sets of dogmatists; it is but fair and dutiful to distinguish between the commonwealth of Massachusetts, and those unworthy sons who call themselves or are called "the Massachusetts school" of interpretation, while they sap her statehood, pervert her faith, and tarnish her name. In history she is the most conspicuous of the authors, vindicators, and exemplars of American institutional liberty. Her principles, firmly established and indelibly written by herself, are set forth in the preceeding chapters: and the dogmas of the so-called "Massachusetts school" not only find no sanction in her early and genuine history, but are decisively refuted thereby. And though her record may now be suppressed, her wisdom, silenced, and her partriotism lulled to sleep, by sophists and scheming politicians, yet her heart is the heart of humanity, whose impulses are pure and just; and it will finally prove to be as true to liberty as the needle is to the pole. To quote Massachusetts and New York, on the vital points propounded herein, will astonish and instruct the most of our people, while it will show an ample and solid basis for the foregoing theory, and mark a decisive step in the great argument. And their august testimony is all the more fit and forcible, from their being the main sources of perverting exposition, or so-called interpretation. As the people, in the functional performance of self-government, must act as they are organized and capacitated to do, and govern through agents, the security of their statehood and freedom must mainly be the honor and ability of their functionaries. And "the constitution," as Daniel Webster said, "lays its hand on individual conscience and individual duty," for its "preservation," requiring solemn oaths from its officials; so that one of them who "acts outside of the constitution," and uses powers not delegated, i.e. powers retained or kept, by the states, out of the constitution, is a perjured usurper, as well as a traitor. So, as to the preservation of the union by the commonwealths. They must observe and act on the terms, through oath-bound agents or representatives; and the sacred faith of each is pledged; so that, if the terms be violated, we have not only official perjury, but an exhibition of Punic faith, which should subject the violators to outlawry under the jus gentium. In a most studied report on the Missouri question, made to the people of Boston, in 1819, by Daniel Webster and others, as a committee, he says that "the only parties to the constitution, contemplated by it originally, were the thirteen confederated states," and that the terms of their union "rest on compact and plighted faith." The above expressions show that the hold, and perhaps the only hold, on rulers and states, is on their morality, honor, good faith and consciencethese, in fact, from the nature of the case, being the main securities of either republican or federal liberty. Now let Freedom "lay her hand on the individual conscience, and the individual duty" of Massachusetts and New York, for a statement by them of their record as to what our polity is. THE TESTIMONY OF MASSACHUSETTS Assuming her to be what all legal publicists say a state is"a moral person;" crediting her with mind and moral sense; and appealing to her honor, plighted faith and conscience, she is respectfully asked what status and condition a state has in the union? She answers with her solemn record, made up most deliberately before the world, and under the eye of God, in the terms now to be given. 1n 1780, her people, through a convention, and under the inspiration of Freedom, made the declarations now to be quoted; and, decennially, ever since, they have re-declared the same great truths,--the very institutes of Freedom!all to be found in her organic constitution, which supports, in all respects, as will be seen, the idea of the absolute sovereignty of the states in the union, association, or federation,--whichever the system may be called. THE OBJECT OF GOVERNMENT "The end of the institution, maintenance and adminstration of government, is to secure the existence of the body-politic, to protect it, and to furnish the individuals who compose it, with the power of enjoying, in safety and tranquillity, their natural rights, and the blessing of life." THE SOCIAL COMPACT "The body-politic is formed by a voluntary association of individuals. It is a social compact, by which the whole people covenants with each citizen, and each citizen with the whole people, that all shall be governed by certain laws for the common good." "We, therefore, the people of Massachusetts," acknowledging the goodness of God, "in affording us" "an opportunity" "of entering into an original, explicit, and solemn compact with each other, and of forming a new constitution of civil government for ourselves and posterity, do agree upon, ordain, and establish the following declaration of rights, and frame of government, as the constitution of the commonwealth of Massachusetts." A constituting or establishing of the body-politic, more formal and explicit, if possible, is the following, in part second of the constitution: "The people inhabiting the territory formerly called the province of Massachusetts Bay, do hereby solemnly and mutually agree with each other, to form themselves into a free, sovereign, and independent body-politic, or state, by the name ofthe commonwealth of Massachusetts." This great exemplar of liberty here declares most emphatically, that the phrases "the people," "the body-politic," "the state," and "the commonwealth," mean the same, as to political existence, and capacity for self-government. It should be ever kept in mind that "the people" are "the state," and "the state" "the people." NO SOVEREIGNTY IN GOVERNMENTALL FUNCTIONARIES AGENTS. "All power residing originally in the people, and being derived from them, the several magistrates and officers of government, vested with authority, whether legislative, executive, or judicial, are their substitutes and agents, and are at all times accountable to them." THE STATE CAN CHANGE GOVERNMENT AT WILL."Government is instituted for the common good: for the protection, safety, prosperity and happiness of the people. Therefore the people alone have an incontestable, inalienable, and indefeasible right to institute government, and to reform, alter, or totally change the same, when their protection, safety, prosperity, and happiness require it." THE STATE TO REMAIN SOVEREIGN OVER GOVERNMENT.Upon declaring the above, she seemed to stopdeeply reflectgather strength of will and expressionand imperially declare; as if to prevent forever the possibility of agency swelling to sovereignty, and rising above the states that establish it: "that THE PEOPLE of this commonwealth have the sole and exclusive right of governing themselves as a free, SOVEREIGN, and independent STATE, and do, and forever hereafter shall, exercise and enjoy every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not, or may not hereafter be, by them, expressly delegated to the united states of America, in Congress assembled." [The above italics and bold are the author's.] In conformity with this declaration that "the people of this commonwealth" have the "exclusive right of governing themselves" "as a sovereign state;" every power which is not "by them delegated" to the associated states; Massachusetts most carefully puts her whole adult male population on a war footing; and commands her governor to use them, to "kill, slay, and destroy," all such persons (including of course federal ones) as "shall attempt the destruction, invasion, detriment, or annoyance of this commonwealth;" she exacts an oath of allegiance from all officials, military or other; and punishes a violation of the same (i.e. treason), with death!all which will be fully show further along. NEW YORK TESTIFIES IDEM SONANSIn 1776, she, as a provincial body-politic, joined twelve others, in declaring their independence. Each was represented by her own deputies, and they were thus able to co-act in congress. Whatever was done, was by a concurrence of individual wills. In 1777, her first constitution was established, containing the following absolute declarations of sovereign rightprinciples essential to liberty, and the same yesterday, to-day and FOREVER! TO BE CONTINUED .. The legitimate conclusion, is obvious then, that the highest of all political obligations in a REPUBLIC, true to the social compact, allegiance, patriotism as well as the instinct of self-preservation, that if in our current climate of coercion against the states, any traitors appear, they must be those who, being citizens and subjects of states, using and implementing federal force and coercion in "levying war against THEM," or adhered to THEIR enemies, "giving them aid and comfort." Then those waging this war against the states must be "their enemies," and the citizens of states, who ASSIST such enemies, then must be Traitors??? In Service, Gabriel Paul http://www.dayspringgatheringscircle.org <http://www.dayspringgatheringscircle.org/dayspring_library.html> Fear knocked at the door.....Faith Answered........There was no one there. Truth cannot be bought and sold, only temporarily obfuscated by falsehood.Yet all falsehood and illusion will themselves ultimately be crucified upon the cross of the omnipotent Sword of Truth when it pierces the heart in purification. There is something within me that might be illusion as it is often case with young delighted people, but if I would be fortunate to achieve some of my ideals, it would be on the behalf of the whole of humanity. Nikola Tesla I don't know what your destiny will be, but one thing I do know; the only ones among you who will be really happy are those who have sought and found how to serve. "History is nothing but a procession of false absolutes, a series of temples raised to pretexts, a degradation of the mind before the improbable." "War is the best way to remold society. War! Shatter society to bits. Break it apart. Then we can remold it nearer to the heart's desire. And what is our heart's desire? Collectivism." Men with great knowledge are easily enslaved if they do nothing to defend their freedom. Knowledge by itself is not power, but it holds the potential for power if we have the courage to use it as such, and therein lies our hope for the future. If we act upon this knowledge, it is an opportunity, not just to know about history, but actually to change its course. "Remember when it was give me freedom or give me death? Now it is save me from death and take my freedom, please." NOTICE : This non commercial no tender for access or use private research resource contains unpublished protected work product. THIS PRIVATE NON COMMERCIAL COMMUNICATION IS EXPRESSLY NOT INTENDED FOR USE BY ANYONE IN WHOLE OR IN PART TO DIAGNOSE, TREAT OR CURE ANY DISEASE OR ILLNESS. 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