The Paranoids Are Out to Get Me! The return of the militia scare.

Jesse Walker <http://www.reason.com/staff/show/130.html> | June 17, 2009
  Who killed Stephen Tyrone Johns, the guard gunned down at the Holocaust
museum in Washington, D.C., last week? If you only read the news pages, the
culprit should be clear: the 88-year-old Nazi James W. von Brunn. But in the
opinion section, the answer looks cloudier. For some pundits, blame rests
not just with the killer but with a host of angry voices on the radio, the
television, and the Internet.

Bonnie Erbe of *U.S. News and World Report*
indicts<http://www.usnews.com/blogs/erbe/2009/06/11/round-up-hate-promoters-now-before-any-more-holocaust-museum-attacks.html>the
"promoters of hate" for the shooting, adding, "If yesterday's
Holocaust
Museum slaying of security guard and national hero Stephen Tyrone Johns is
not a clarion call for banning hate speech, I don't know what is." In *The
New York Times*, columnist Paul Krugman
warns<http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/12/opinion/12krugman.html>that
"right-wing extremism is being systematically fed by the conservative
media and political establishment." His colleague Frank Rich has written a
piece <http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/14/opinion/14rich.html> that begins
with the museum shooting but rapidly becomes an argument that
"homicide-saturated vituperation is endemic among mini-Limbaughs." After the
museum murder, Rich writes, Glenn Beck "rushed onto Fox News to describe the
Obama-hating killer as a 'lone gunman nutjob.' Yet in the same show Beck
also said von Brunn was a symptom that 'the pot in America is boiling,' as
if Beck himself were not the boiling pot cheering the kettle on."

Less than a month before the museum murder, an assassin shot the Kansas
abortionist George Tiller, prompting a similar set of complaints. For the
record, I don't think <http://www.reason.com/blog/show/133905.html> Tiller's
critics in the media and the pro-life movement should be blamed for that
crime. Speakers are not morally
responsible<http://www.reason.com/news/show/31098.html>for all the
ways their words can be received. But in that case, at least,
there was a coherent connection between the rhetoric and the killer's
target. Say what you will about Rush Limbaugh, Glenn Beck, or Michael
Savage, but I don't remember any of them railing against the Holocaust
museum. If Beck, to borrow Rich's mixed metaphor, is cheering on a kettle,
it isn't the kettle that produced von Brunn.

We've heard a lot of warnings about extremist paranoia in the months since
Barack Obama became president. We've heard much less about the paranoia of
the centrists; indeed, the very idea that the sober center could be paranoid
sounds bizarre. But when mainstream columnists treat a small group of
unconnected crimes as a "pattern" of "rising right-wing violence," their
thesis bears more than a little resemblance to the conspiracy theories of
the fringe figures they oppose. In both cases, the stories being told
reflect the anxieties of the people discerning the
patterns<http://www.michaelshermer.com/2008/12/patternicity/>much more
than any order actually emerging in the outside world.

This isn't the first time the establishment has been overrun with paranoia
about the paranoiacs.

*The Paranoid Style in Center-Left Politics*

The classic account of American conspiratology is Richard Hofstadter's 1964
essay "The Paranoid Style in American
Politics<http://karws.gso.uri.edu/jfk/conspiracy_theory/the_paranoid_mentality/the_paranoid_style.html>."
It's a flawed, uneven article, but it includes several perceptive passages.
The most astute section might be this:

It is hard to resist the conclusion that this enemy is on many counts the
projection of the self; both the ideal and the unacceptable aspects of the
self are attributed to him. The enemy may be the cosmopolitan intellectual,
but the paranoid will outdo him in the apparatus of scholarship, even of
pedantry. Secret organizations set up to combat secret organizations give
the same flattery. The Ku Klux Klan imitated Catholicism to the point of
donning priestly vestments, developing an elaborate ritual and an equally
elaborate hierarchy. The John Birch Society emulates Communist cells and
quasi-secret operation through "front" groups, and preaches a ruthless
prosecution of the ideological war along lines very similar to those it
finds in the Communist enemy.

Hofstadter doesn't acknowledge it, but the argument could be applied to a
lot of his audience as well. His article begins with a reference to "extreme
right-wingers," a lede that reflected the times: As he was writing, America
was undergoing a wave of alarm about the radical right. This had been
building throughout the Kennedy years and had intensified after the
president's assassination, which many people either blamed directly on the
far right or attributed to an atmosphere of fear and division that they
traced to the right's rhetoric. By the time Hofstadter's article appeared,
the projection he described was in full effect not merely on the fringes but
in the political center. Just as anti-Communists had mimicked the
Communists, anti-anti-Communists were emulating the red-hunters.

In 1961, for example, Walter and Victor Reuther of the United Auto Workers
and the liberal attorney Joseph Rauh wrote a 24-page memo urging the
attorney general to deploy the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Internal
Revenue Service, and the Federal Communications Commission in "the struggle
against the radical right." By this they meant not just the Birchers and the
Christian Crusade but Goldwater and the libertarian Volker Fund. In *Before
the Storm* <http://www.reason.com/news/show/28337.html>, his history of the
Goldwater movement, the independent historian Rick
Perlstein<http://www.reason.com/news/show/126869.html>describes Group
Research Incorporated, a UAW-funded operation, as "the
mirror image of the political intelligence businesses that monitored
left-wingers in the 1950s, identifying fellow-travelling organizations by
counting the number of members and officers shared with purported Communist
Party fronts. Group Research did the same thing, substituting the John Birch
Society for the reds."

Since there's so much interest today in tracing the effects of extreme
rhetoric, it's worth noting that the phrases that sounded so dangerous on
the lips of the Christian crusaders weren't so different from comments that
had been common among Cold War liberals. Robert DePugh, founder of the
Minutemen—the anti-Communist
activists<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Minutemen_(anti-Communist_organization)>of
the '60s, not the anti-immigration
activists <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Minuteman_Project> of today—claimed
to have been inspired by John F. Kennedy's own words: "We need a nation of
Minutemen, citizens who are not only prepared to take up arms, but citizens
who regard the preservation of freedom as a basic purpose of their daily
life." In *Before the Storm*, Perlstein notes that JFK "spoke often in these
absolutist, apocalyptic terms."

Philip Jenkins of Pennsylvania State University, a specialist in both the
history of moral panics and the history of the American right, has
described<http://www.amconmag.com/article/2009/mar/23/00016/>this
period as the second of three "brown scares." The first came in the
late 1930s and early '40s, when the Roosevelt administration and some of its
allies in the press conflated genuine domestic fascists with critics who
were far from Nazis. The third came in the 1990s, after Timothy McVeigh's
mass murder in Oklahoma City, when the Clinton administration pushed through
the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of
1996<http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?c104:S.735.ENR:>and the
media ran a series of fear-mongering stories about the alleged
militia menace in the heartland. The latter period—the late '90s—may have
the most in common with the anxieties emerging in 2009.

*The Great Militia Panic*

The militias embraced a battery of baroque legal theories and bizarre
conspiracy folklore, but they were never a substantial threat to ordinary
Americans' well-being. Neither McVeigh nor his accomplices, James and Terry
Nichols, appear to have been militia members, though one or more of them may
have attended a militia gathering or two. After the Oklahoma City attack, a
Michigan Militia spokesman said his group's only contact with the trio had
come when James Nichols had shown up to speak during the "open forum"
portion of a meeting. By that account, Nichols urged everyone present to cut
up their drivers' licenses, attempted to distribute some literature, and
eventually was asked to leave.

After Oklahoma City, some individuals in the militia milieu were nabbed for
planning crimes. (The Michigan Miltia Corps itself tipped off the
cops<http://www.afn.org/~afn54735/usnews1.html>when it learned a
member was building pipe bombs.) Some militiamen were also
arrested for plots that turned out to have originated with the government's
own infiltrators <http://www.copi.com/articles/viper.html>. What did not
exist was the pattern touted in much of the media, in which the militias
were described as though they were terrorist conspiracies themselves. And
while the press sometimes described the militias as though they were a
simple continuation of the racist right of the '80s, the leaders of the
older movement weren't so quick to recognize the militias as their children.
"They are not for the preservation of the white race," Aryan Nations leader
Richard Butler complained to *New York Post* reporter Jonathan Karl in *The
Right to Bear 
Arms*<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0061010154/reasonmagazineA>,
Karl's balanced assessment of the militia phenomenon. "They're actually
traitors to the white race; they seek to integrate with blacks, Jews, and
others." It's true that some racists and anti-Semites popped up in militia
circles. Some blacks, Hispanics, and Jews showed up as well. The driving
force behind the movement was fear of the government, not fear of foreign
races and religions.

The militia-hunters nonetheless went through incredible contortions to link
the anti-government populists to violent bigots. In *A Force Upon the
Plain*<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0806129263/reasonmagazineA>,
a not-so-balanced assessment of the militia phenomenon, Kenneth Stern
essentially argued that when militia members weren't racist, they were
racist dupes. If their theorists posited an international cabal led by
Freemasons, the Illuminati, or the Trilateral Commission, Stern suggested,
they were *really* proposing a cabal led by Jews; their theories were
"rooted in the *Protocols of the Elders of Zion*," the infamous anti-Semitic
forgery, because the worldviews were structurally similar. "The militia
movement today believes in the conspiracy theory of the *Protocols*," Stern
wrote, "even if some call it something else and never mention Jews." The
argument resembles Woody Allen's syllogism: "Socrates is a man. All men are
mortal. Therefore, all men are Socrates." (Stern's history was as bad as his
logic. The *Protocols* did not emerge until the late 19th century and was
not widely popularized until 1903. Anti-Masonic theories were common
throughout the 18th and 19th centuries, and the first anti-Illuminati
hysteria broke out in 1797 <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Augustin_Barruel>.)

An even odder idea held that the militias were a gateway drug. Stern
attributes this argument to Ken Toole of the Montana Human Rights
Network<http://www.mhrn.org/>,
who compared the patriot movement to a funnel. People enter it for many
reasons—to protest taxes, regulations, gun control, you name it. As they're
sucked in, they begin to embrace conspiracy theories and revolutionary
rhetoric. At the far end of the funnel are the hardcore bigots. Not all the
militiamen are at the funnel's eye, Stern conceded, but that was where they
were heading.

The argument would only work if white supremacy were the reductio ad
absurdum of opposing globalization and federal power, an assumption that
makes no sense. You'd actually expect the most partisan patriots to embrace
a radical decentralism, not racism. Perhaps expecting this objection, Stern
argued that decentralist rhetoric is racist itself—that the idea of states'
rights "has *always* been used to shield local governments from criticism
over discriminatory practices" (emphasis added). And the dangers of
decentralization didn't stop there. "Most Americans," Stern wrote, "define
their political associations from top to bottom: One is an American, a
Texan, from Dallas. There has always been a countervailing tendency...to
reshape alliances so that small comes first, and large last, if at all." And
what's so bad about that? "When a political movement rejects the idea of
common American values and says, 'Let me do it my own way,' it usually means
it wants to do things that are objectionable, and yearns to do them
undisturbed and unnoticed."

So anyone critical of centralized power, from the property rights movement
to the bioregionalists, was potentially a part of the problem. That's a
mighty big funnel.

*The Big Funnel of 2009*

Earlier this year, the Department of Homeland Security issued a
report<http://www.docstoc.com/docs/5410658/DHS-Report-on-Right-Wing-Extremism>on
the threat of "rightwing extremism." Depending on whose interpretation
you prefer, the paper either defined "extremism" extremely broadly or failed
to define it at all. "Rightwing extremism in the United States," it said,
"can be broadly divided into those groups, movements, and adherents that are
primarily hate-oriented (based on hatred of particular religious, racial or
ethnic groups), and those that are mainly antigovernment, rejecting federal
authority in favor of state or local authority, or rejecting government
authority entirely. It may include groups and individuals that are dedicated
to a single issue, such as opposition to abortion or immigration."

The charitable reading of this passage is that it's a sloppily phrased
attempt to list the various ideas that drive different right-wing
extremists, not a declaration that *anyone* opposed to abortion or prone to
"rejecting federal authority" is a threat. But even under that
interpretation, the report is inexcusably vague. It focuses on extremism
itself, not on violence, and there's no reason to believe its definition of
"extremist" is limited to people with violent inclinations. (The
department's 
report<http://theplumline.whorunsgov.com/political-media/obtained-dhs-memo-warning-of-left-wing-extremists/>on
*left*-wing extremism cites such nonviolent groups as Crimethinc and the
Ruckus Society.) As Michael German, a policy counsel at the American Civil
Liberties Union,
noted<http://blog.aclu.org/2009/04/16/soon-well-all-be-radicals/>after
the document surfaced,

Focusing on ideas rather than crime, the latest bulletin from DHS cites an
increase in "rhetoric," yet doesn’t even mention reports that there was a dirty
bomb found <http://www.bangordailynews.com/detail/99263.html> in an alleged
white supremacist’s house in Maine last December. Learning what to look for
in that situation might actually be useful to a cop. Threat reports that
focus on ideology instead of criminal activity are threatening to civil
liberties and a wholly ineffective use of federal security resources.

Unfortunately, the Homeland Security report wasn't an anomaly.
Government-run "fusion centers" in several states have produced similar
papers aimed at identifying "potential trends or patterns of terrorist or
criminal operations"; the subjects range from anarchists to Odin-worshippers
to "Illicit Use of Digital Music Players." The most infamous dossier,
produced by the Missouri Information Analysis Center, was devoted to—yes—the
militia movement, plus a host of other dissidents that it roped in with the
militiamen. The paper, which was distributed to police throughout the state,
declared <http://www.reason.com/blog/show/132250.html> that "It is not
uncommon for militia members to display Constitution Party, Campaign for
Liberty, or Libertarian material. These members are usually supporters of
former Presidential Candidate: Ron Paul, Chuck Baldwin, and Bob Barr." Not
content with that piece of political profiling, the document warned that the
Gadsden Flag, a popular historical banner bearing a coiled rattlesnake and
the slogan DON'T TREAD ON ME, "is the most common symbol displayed by
militia members and organizations." Watch out, highway patrolsman: That
history buff with the flag on his bumper just might be a terrorist!

In the wake of the Tiller and Johns murders, such sloppiness and worse is
seeping into the mainstream media. For some pundits, the very basics of
critical thought seem to have gone out the window, as they treat a handful
of distinct crimes as sign of a rising menace without so much as bothering
to check if there's been more small-scale rightist terror this year
than in previous
years <http://www.splcenter.org/intel/intelreport/article.jsp?pid=903>.

That isn't the only way commentators have failed to do even the most cursory
review of comparable events in the past. Rich's column reaches its nadir
when he shares these thoughts from Camille Paglia:

[T]he invective in some quarters has unmistakably amped up. The writer
Camille Paglia, a political independent and confessed talk-radio fan,
detected a shift toward paranoia in the air waves by mid-May. When "the tone
darkens toward a rhetoric of purgation and annihilation," she observed in
Salon <http://www.salon.com/opinion/paglia/2009/05/13/7_days_in_may/>,
"there is reason for alarm." She cited a "joke" repeated by a Rush Limbaugh
fill-in host, a talk-radio jock from Dallas of all places, about how "any
U.S. soldier" who found himself with only two bullets in an elevator with
Nancy Pelosi, Harry Reid and Osama bin Laden would use both shots to
assassinate Pelosi and then strangle Reid and bin Laden.

Rich and Paglia are supposed to be savvy to popular culture, so it's
surprising that they'd consider that gag a harbinger of anything but the
talk jock's poor taste. I've heard variations of the joke in every
administration since Bush I (when the punchline featured the phrase "shoot
Quayle twice"), and I have it on good authority that it dates back long
before then.

So does the spirit it represents. American politics have been filled for
centuries with angry rhetoric, crude jokes, dubious conspiracy theories,
and, sadly, ideologically driven violence. You can't eradicate the rhetoric,
the jokes, or the theories. And even if you could, the violence wouldn't
end.

*Jesse Walker <[email protected]> is managing editor of *Reason*.*

On Sat, Jun 13, 2009 at 11:26 AM, bruce majors <[email protected]>wrote:

>  I think by the way that we are seeing the "liberal" media make outrageous
> "shock jock" charges as a way of becoming popular. For several years now all
> CNN and MSNBC shows have been collapsing in ratings. FOX cable news channel
> even has a bigger audience than some BROADCAST news shows. "Liberal"
> newspapers are going bankrupt and whining for taxpayer bailouts. Even the
> left-of-center "Daily SHow" is punking the New York Times this week, having
> their correspondent ask a dim witted NYT editor the kindgergarten joke "what
> is black and white and red all over," to which the Times editor says "a
> newspaper," and the Daily Show comedian answers "Your balance sheet!"
>
> I think David Letterman deliberately told a rape joke about a 14 year old
> JUST AS he is facing off against Conan O'Brien's show, so he would be
> covered in the news. He apologized on day 2 of his manufactured scandal and
> then made a joke about Sarah Palin inviting him to go hunting on Day 3. He
> is milking it for publicity.
>
> I think we see public TV propagandist Bonnie Erbe, court economist Paul
> Krugman and Salon.com Obama flak Joan Walsh claiming that conservative talk
> radio and TV should be censored because it incites domestic terrorism
> precisely BECAUSE no one is listening to them. Rabbit toothed sour puss Joan
> Walsh got to get her ugly scowl off Chris Matthews and MSNBC, her usual
> venue with a dwindling audience, and instead appear on O'Reilly were someone
> might see her.
>
>
> On Sat, Jun 13, 2009 at 9:56 AM, John Turmel <[email protected]> wrote:
>
>>
>>
>>
>> "we must continue our fight against state wars, state empire,
>> state spying, state prison camps, state torture; state redistribution,
>> state medicine, state money printing, all state intervention in the
>> economy or our personal lives, or the lives of peoples overseas. End the
>> Fed! That would be a great start."
>>
>> Jct: Yes, yes, yes, yes, yes, yes, yes, no, yes, yes, yes.
>> The state does not print money. It lets banks print it then it borrows it
>> so it can tax us to pay the banks interest. State printing sound money is
>> the solution, so lumping the solution in with all the problems means they'll
>> never find it.
>> See http://youtube.com/kingofthepaupers for explanation of why government
>> debt money is good when there's no usury. Lincoln used sound debt
>> Greenbacks, King Henry I used sound debt tallies, Rome used sound copper
>> debt Aes Grave, the problem is giving the power to create money to private
>> banks, not government having the power to create our money.
>>
>> John C. "The Banking Systems Engineer" Turmel, King of the Paupers, Great
>> Canadian Gambler, Author of the UNILETS interest-free time-based currency
>> United Nations C6 recommendation to Governments in the
>> http://www.un.org/millennium/declaration.htm See http://johnturmel.com
>>
>> 
>>
>
>


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