----- Forwarded Message -----
From: john hoyt <tentativ...@hotmail.com>
To: ballistanc <ballist...@yahoo.com>
Cc: 
Sent: Friday, January 21, 2011 6:49 PM
Subject: FW: More on Proletarian Wave in Nort Africa


 

Hi Jack, please say hello to mr. langly, lounds, mr. tinder, and the rest of 
the old staff....please let me know about them...

 Just finish this text didn't have time to go over it .....make any 
correction....



  
More on Proletarian Wave in North Africa

***

What are the general characteristics generating the violent upsurge of the 
proletariat in the Middle East and North Africa?

When you take a close look at the situation on a world scale, you'll find out 
that we're facing a global increase in the worsening conditions of human life.  
In every country, rich or poor, we find a population increase therefore 
migration according to capital's needs, high unemployment and and jails full of 
"young criminals" and  political repression.  Take for example the United 
States where there are many proletarian behind bars and a great number because 
of political reasons, in fact there is a case of a journalist that cannot 
travel outside New york City, Clark Kissinger.  The the question here is not 
the number of political prisoners but the number of people in jail worldwide.  
Even in "socialist" Cuba you find a huge amount of people behind bars under the 
worse conditions one can think of. Chile...and England some good examples of 
what is on the line for those who dream about a human community.  Last week we 
waged an international campaign to let
 the world know about our brothers and sisters behind bars: we'll take you 
out!!  So the original intention of this essay is to contribute to clarify the 
struggle going on in the Middle East and North Africa from a class perspective 
and point out the need to expand such a confrontation on a world scale while 
admitting the political weakness of the communist movement to answer the 
desperate calls of the proletariat from different parts of the planet Earth.

Another thing I want to do is the clarify or correct the definitions advanced 
by bourgeois ideological agents in relation the the concepts of "third world 
countries", developing nations", "underdeveloped countries" because those 
definitions confuse the young generation about the class boundaries determined 
by the division of the world in social and antagonistic classes.  When you 
assume those bourgeois concepts your practice lead you to form coalitions, 
fronts...with fractions of capital therefore loosing sight of capital's nature. 
 In other words, Argentina has the same nature of the United States, England, 
Germany or any other Empire so when the "left" creates a regional bloc against 
"US Imperialism" is taking up a bourgeois political line where the proletariat 
does not exist as a revolutionary class.  Just to give you a resent example of 
bourgeois politics under the mask of socialism: ALBA.  From a communist 
perspective the proletariat most create its
 own structure to fight against capital on a world scale to impose the 
communist mode of production.  So countries such as Haiti are nation with less 
degree or level of capital accumulation of surplus values with the same essence 
as Imperialist nations, States with lower rates of surplus value within the 
international division of labor of the capitalist mode of production.

Taking that communist definition into consideration we most design a clean 
proletarian strategy starting from the fact that we're dominated by world 
capital and we need to unify the working class to struggle for their own 
emancipation.  In relation to the Middle East and North Africa wave of 
proletarian actions, we want to remind that Egypt has "though economic 
conditions, official corruption and little opportunity for its citizens to 
express their dissatisfaction with the political system.  President Hosni 
Mubarak, 82 has an almost complete monopoly on power, has been in office for 
three decades and is seeking re-election this autumn".  (www.bbc.co.uk)

So the economic and social conditions for a social revolution are given and 
their subjective element seems to be expressing itself openly as Jon Leyne in 
Cairo says:  "Most Egyptians do not see any way that they can change their 
country or their lives through political action, be it voting, activism, or 
going out on the streets to demonstrate".  The voting aspect of the subjective 
conditions is the winning card of the dominant class in case the revolutionary 
minorities, on the international level, decides and solve their divisions to 
push as one mighty force the proletarian section in Egypt to start playing its 
vanguard role, that is to lead the proletarian mass to direct actions to expand 
the wave started in Tunisia.

In Algeria the same economic and social conditions took the Young proletarian 
mass to the streets, "the trigger appeared to be economic grievance in 
particular sharp increases in price of food".  (Tunisia:  Will there be a 
domino effect?  17 January 2011.  www.bbc.co.uk)  And continue saying that "a 
state of emergency has been in place since 1992, and public demonstration been 
banned.  There are regular impromptu protests elsewhere in the country, but in 
recent weeks these broke out simultaneously across Algeria for the first time, 
including in the capital, Algiers.  There have been reports of selfimmolations, 
too".   

Why haven't the protests scalated in the same way as in Tunisia?

There are severl answers to this question.  But most analysts "have attributed 
to the relatively restrained response of the security forces, as well as the 
gevernment'sintervension to limit price rises".  But that's not the right 
answer!  One could argue that the administration approach to deal with 
contradictions and antagonisms created by capital has played an important role 
in desactivating a nationwide explosion, but it isn't the dominant role of the 
lack of force requiere to expand the actions above and beyond the fronteirs.  
What plays the dominant role is the political weakness of the proletariat, 
given by its division, as an international class since it has been demostrated, 
during the Shoras' insurrection back in 1991, unable to respond effectively to 
the call made from Athens in 2008-2009, or the call made from Paris back in 
November 2005, just to mention a few asamples.  This political weakness has 
been expressiong itself everytime the
 revolutionary proletariat takes to the streets to destroy what is destroying 
its existance:  private property.

Put in other terms, the manner in which the administration "is trying to tackle 
the economic and social complains, including anger over unemployment, 
corruption, bureacracy, and lack of political reforms", puting huge amount of 
money in its account public spending programme, lide Chavez in Venezuela, wil 
get matters worse in the long term.  Experience of the eastern bloc countries 
and Cuba in Latin America show the consequences of such "revolutionary" policy. 
 Let me put it this way, we're not confronting a local or regional economic and 
social problem but a world crisis between capitalism and the human needs facing 
contemporary society.

Libya is a good example in the area to illustrate the bakruptcy of creating a 
huge "public sector" to deal and "solve" the contradictions and antigonisms 
created by the violent separation of the productive forces from their means of 
production.  As today's proletarian wave moves forward along the region 
borders, Co Gadaffi starts reflecting "his own nervousness about the possible 
domino effect".  According to him, "there is none better than Zine to govern 
Tunisia.  Tunisia now lives in fears".

The simultaneous actions actions across the region, even though in its embrio 
form, is the political aspect that that keeps the world ruling class nerveous, 
worrying about the most effective measure to cut the wave within the bounderies 
of one of those nation/state.  In Jordan, "thousands staged protests across 
(the country) in a 'day fo rage' on Saturday against rising food prices and 
unemployment.  Some demanded the resignation of Prince Minister SamicRifai".  

Evem though there are reports that some elements withing the U.S. faction of 
the world bourgeoisie had edited wikileaks cables (lahine.org), the dominat 
class has put strict restrictions on the publication of information relating to 
its "allies".  A gradual and convinient approach had been imposed.  In Morocco, 
for example, information "leaks" "revealed allegations of increased corruption, 
in particular the royal's family's business affairs and the 'appalling greed' 
of people close to  king Mohammed VI".  So the "leaks" fuel protests aginst the 
socio-economic conditions affecting the population.

The ball is on the "marxists" coart!  There is a long tradition of marx 
thoughts all the world over but today's proletarian wave in the Middle East and 
North Africa and other part of the hemisphere, and the answers given to them, 
is clearly telling me that I have to say with Karl Marx:  "I only know I'm not 
a marxist"!!



PS.  Corinna, thanks for sending the document, I opened it and after finish a 
light reading I just started I'll let you know my position...Also, I'm working 
on a document for Silvia Pankhurst International Center....Thank for keeping 
fluid information...is just an step forward...I'm going to send the document to 
other groups in Santo Domingo....lets see what happends.  Just finish this 
text, please make any corection, I'm really tired... 


      
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