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I agree with the substantive point that working class support for the far
right is real and a big concern, and also that for Marxists class is a
socio-political process rather than a static sociological category. On the
latter however, if we’re going to take any notice of voting (or voter or
social attitude survey) data at all, as at least surface-level empirical
indicators of underlying class processes, we might as well try to have the
best possible indicators.

There’s a lot of confusion in leftist commentary on voting and attitudes
around the fact that mainstream commentary often uses an
occupational/educational definitions of class rather than a Marxist
definition, notwithstanding the limitations of any fixed categories for
Marxist analysis. Self-employed or even employing tradespeople are often
categorized as “working class”, while non-managerial white-collar workers
who have zero autonomy at work and are union members can be categorized as
“middle class”.

The categories in the tweet in question seem to be, if google is
translating accurately for me, respectively “manual workers”, “white collar
employees”, “self-employed” and pensioners”, and the employer/employee
relationship at least doesn’t seem mixed up. Knowing the “class”
composition of each party (rather than as here the voting composition of
each “class”), and any change over time, would both be good to know.

With aggregate data like this we’re stuck with the categories given, and
should be particularly wary of reifying them as indicating class as such.
But if we’re able to get person-level survey data we might have some
control over categorising respondents in a more Marxist framework. In my
view the best way to do that within the limitations of most social
attitudes or voter surveys is use categories of non-managerial workers (of
whatever collar-colour), salaried managers, and business owners.

For those interested in these issues I published an article in Capitalism,
Nature, Socialism in 2012 relaying this class categorisation to attitudes
and voting in the Australian Election Study, as part of an analysis of the
Australian Greens (non-paywall and extended version here
http://links.org.au/node/3180).

More recently I’ve been noodling with the openly available 2016 Australian
Election Study and have posted some notes and plots on the class
composition of voting blocs here
https://m.facebook.com/story/graphql_permalink/?graphql_id=UzpfSTU5NDQyMzM3NDoxMDE1Njc0MDY3OTMyODM3NQ%3D%3D
and scored on an attitude to immigration scale by party vote here
https://m.facebook.com/story/graphql_permalink/?graphql_id=UzpfSTU5NDQyMzM3NDoxMDE1Njc2NDE3NzQ0MzM3NQ%3D%3D

The latter are steps towards regression modeling of the probability of
voting for different parties, in which I expect class to have an effects on
voting that’s partly direct, and partly indirect, mediated by attitudes to
unions, business and immigrants (and maybe activity as participation in
strikes and protests are asked about in this survey).


On Tue, 3 Sep 2019 at 10:13 am, ioannis aposperites via Marxism <
marxism@lists.csbs.utah.edu> wrote:

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>
> > Interesting breakdown by social class:
> > https://twitter.com/formelfriedrich/status/1168402855880994816
> > In confronting the rise of authoritarian far-right populism, Marxists
> should really re-think the old Trotskyist shibboleths about fascism being a
> primarily petit-bourgeois or "Bonapartist" phenomenon.  It's pretty clear
> that the new far-right has a substantial proletarian base.
> >
> >
> >Well, I think fascism is a movement not a "authoritarian far-right
> populist" party and certainly not just some pieces of paper in a ballot
> box in Brandenburg.
> Marxian social class is not a sociological category:  "the proletariat"
> is not just 'the workers" who as individuals are not immune to fascism,
> let alone to "authoritarian far-right populism".
>
> JA
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