I think Krugman is right to make the connection to the birthers, in my view
an overtly racist operation. I think it is important to have in mind the
fact that we do defend liberal politicians against  repression and frame-ups
from the right.  The revolutionary stance is not hands off or allowing them
to be race-baited or red-baited, but to stand against the right with our own
methods of struggle. I think counter-moblization is beginning to be sorely
needed. One thing we can safely predict is that Obama will not be taking the
initiative on that.  

Resisting the rightist mobs may also be a way to create more support for and
less confusion sbout single-payer.
Fred Feldman


August 7, 2009
Op-Ed Columnist
The Town Hall Mob 
By PAUL KRUGMAN
There's a famous Norman Rockwell painting titled "Freedom of Speech,"
depicting an idealized American town meeting. The painting, part of a series
illustrating F.D.R.'s "Four Freedoms," shows an ordinary citizen expressing
an unpopular opinion. His neighbors obviously don't like what he's saying,
but they're letting him speak his mind. 

That's a far cry from what has been happening at recent town halls, where
angry protesters - some of them, with no apparent sense of irony, shouting
"This is America!" - have been drowning out, and in some cases threatening,
members of Congress trying to talk about health reform. 

Some commentators have tried to play down the mob aspect of these scenes,
likening the campaign against health reform to the campaign against Social
Security privatization back in 2005. But there's no comparison. I've gone
through many news reports from 2005, and while anti-privatization activists
were sometimes raucous and rude, I can't find any examples of congressmen
shouted down, congressmen hanged in effigy, congressmen surrounded and
followed by taunting crowds. 

And I can't find any counterpart to the death threats at least one
congressman has received.

So this is something new and ugly. What's behind it?

Robert Gibbs, the White House press secretary, has compared the scenes at
health care town halls to the "Brooks Brothers riot" in 2000 - the
demonstration that disrupted the vote count in Miami and arguably helped
send George W. Bush to the White House. Portrayed at the time as local
protesters, many of the rioters were actually G.O.P. staffers flown in from
Washington.

But Mr. Gibbs is probably only half right. Yes, well-heeled interest groups
are helping to organize the town hall mobs. Key organizers include two
Astroturf (fake grass-roots) organizations: FreedomWorks, run by the former
House majority leader Dick Armey, and a new organization called
Conservatives for Patients' Rights. 

The latter group, by the way, is run by Rick Scott, the former head of
Columbia/HCA, a for-profit hospital chain. Mr. Scott was forced out of that
job amid a fraud investigation; the company eventually pleaded guilty to
charges of overbilling state and federal health plans, paying $1.7 billion -
yes, that's "billion" - in fines. You can't make this stuff up.

But while the organizers are as crass as they come, I haven't seen any
evidence that the people disrupting those town halls are Florida-style
rent-a-mobs. For the most part, the protesters appear to be genuinely angry.
The question is, what are they angry about? 

There was a telling incident at a town hall held by Representative Gene
Green, D-Tex. An activist turned to his fellow attendees and asked if they
"oppose any form of socialized or government-run health care." Nearly all
did. Then Representative Green asked how many of those present were on
Medicare. Almost half raised their hands.

Now, people who don't know that Medicare is a government program probably
aren't reacting to what President Obama is actually proposing. They may
believe some of the disinformation opponents of health care reform are
spreading, like the claim that the Obama plan will lead to euthanasia for
the elderly. (That particular claim is coming straight from House Republican
leaders.) But they're probably reacting less to what Mr. Obama is doing, or
even to what they've heard about what he's doing, than to who he is.

That is, the driving force behind the town hall mobs is probably the same
cultural and racial anxiety that's behind the "birther" movement, which
denies Mr. Obama's citizenship. Senator Dick Durbin has suggested that the
birthers and the health care protesters are one and the same; we don't know
how many of the protesters are birthers, but it wouldn't be surprising if
it's a substantial fraction. 

And cynical political operators are exploiting that anxiety to further the
economic interests of their backers.

Does this sound familiar? It should: it's a strategy that has played a
central role in American politics ever since Richard Nixon realized that he
could advance Republican fortunes by appealing to the racial fears of
working-class whites.

Many people hoped that last year's election would mark the end of the "angry
white voter" era in America. Indeed, voters who can be swayed by appeals to
cultural and racial fear are a declining share of the electorate.

But right now Mr. Obama's backers seem to lack all conviction, perhaps
because the prosaic reality of his administration isn't living up to their
dreams of transformation. Meanwhile, the angry right is filled with a
passionate intensity.

And if Mr. Obama can't recapture some of the passion of 2008, can't inspire
his supporters to stand up and be heard, health care reform may well fail. 

David Brooks is off today.




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