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>From The Confiscation of American Prosperity

   While the relative size of the financial sector has ballooned, the 
manufacturing sector has shrunk.  For example, the share of manufacturing 
represented 21.2 percent of the Gross Domestic Product in 1974; by 2004, 
that figure had fallen to 12.1 percent.  In contrast, the Finance, 
Insurance, and Real Estate sector rose during the same period from 14.9 
percent to 20.6 percent, effectively trading places with the manufacturing 
sector (President of the United States 2006, Table B-12, pp. 296-97). 
   However, the data fail to reflect the full extent of the shift from 
manufacturing to finance because non-financial companies often earn 
substantial profits from financial operations, without reporting separate 
information for their financial operations.  The magnitudes in question can 
be substantial.  For example by 2005, General Motors and Ford earned almost 
all of their profits from their financial operations rather than from 
producing cars.  For General Electric, financial operations produced almost 
half of the company's profit (Henry 2005). 
   While financialization is not as extreme for the entire corporate 
sector, by one estimate, financial profits as a share of total profits rose 
from around 15 percent during the 1960s to above 30 percent for most of the 
1980s-90s (Epstein and Power 2002).  Using a different method, the 
Department of Commerce estimated that by early 2005 financial profits 
represented more than one third of all corporate profits, up from little 
more than 20 percent a decade earlier continues to climb (US Department of 
Commerce, Bureau of Economic Analysis 2005; Henry 2005).  Both these 
breakdowns necessarily underestimate financial profits because many 
corporations do not separate their financial from their non-financial 
profits.  As manufacturing continues to move abroad, the relative 
importance of financial profits will most likely continue its steady 
increase, at least until the coming depression. 
   The probable consequences will not be pleasant.  New Enrons are growing 
at this very minute.  They always do.  Although the financial industry 
lobbies hard against regulation, effective regulation can limit the number 
and the size of future Enrons.  In a healthy economy, the collapse of a few 
speculative ventures does relatively little harm.  In a vulnerable economy, 
the size of the suddenly disappearing bezzle can set off a depression with 
a magnitude many thousands of times greater than Enron. 


> 
> For all those radical political economists who thought the FROP was
> empirically and analytically dead--except those braves TSSI theorists who
> disproved what I call the Okishio "Impossibility Theorem" that viable
> technical change can never depress the profit rate--let's not forget what
> Akerlof and Shiller say: "
> Most people have trouble thinking about broader feedbacks. For them the
> rise in real earnings that accompanies a stock market boom (as for example
> in the 1990s) is 'proof' that the boom is rational. They rarely consider
> the possibility that the earnings rise is just another temporary
> manifestation of the stock market rise." p. 136
> 
> 
-- 
Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
Chico, CA 95929

Tel. 530-898-5321
E-Mail michael at ecst.csuchico.edu
michaelperelman.wordpress.com

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