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>
> I tend to agree with artesian's take on this.  The unification of Germany
> by Prussian arms was probably a step forward for Germany, the narrative of
> which that we were presented by Nestor being the standard one held
> throughout most of German society, true but unremarkable, with the Nazis
> later put their own demonic-even from the standpoint of Greater German
> chauvinism-anti-semitic spin on this later.  I'm reading a book about Louis
> Brandeis whose father was an ethnic German Jew from Bohemia or what is now
> the Czech Republic and whose first ethnic identity was always German.  It
> was only in the wake of the Great War that his son began seriously embracing
> Zionism.  Ironically, many of the German Americans who volunteered for
> Germany in WW1 during the US' period of neutrality were actually Jewish.



> Whether Germany's unification necessarily entailed an invasion of France or
> the subjugation of the Parisian people is another question entirely as that
> task would have been carried out one way or another before too long as it
> was in Italy in that period given the overwhelming consensus in support of
> it at all levels of society.  1870-71 was not 1848 and the Prussian army was
> not a revolutionary one, not even by the watered down standards of Napoleon
> I.  It's ironic that Marx, conditioned by his German nationality comments
> positively on the defeat of the first Napoleon in 1815, as that was
> definitely a setback for the German people and progress generally,
> representing the triumph of Reaction in Europe (in fact I think that term
> originates from this period as do the political expressions "left" and
> "right").  For example, the reason Marx's father, a lawyer, converted to
> Christianity was because in the wake of the triumph of the Holy Alliance,
> laws inspired by the French Revolution and Bonaparte lifting restrictions
> against Jews in society were repealed and the Jews ordered back into their
> ghettos.  It was actually in this context that the Monroe Doctrine was
> elucidated in 1821, a message, albeit a grandstanding one from a small
> power, to the Concert of Europe, to not carry out a reconquest of Spain's
> colonies in the Americas, as they had threatened to do as part of their
> crusade to restore monarchical and imperial "legitimacy" per the precepts of
> the Congress of Vienna.  It's telling the Kissinger's intellectual outlook
> is rooted in a study of the this period with Metternich as his model.


> "It's clear that the support for Germany was not an endorsement, was quite
> limited... and clearly was a mistake, as there is for capitalism, for the
> establishment of capitalism or capitalist unity, no such thing as a
> "defensive" war; that subjugation of the working class on either side of
> the
> conflict is the clear priority of the capitalism on any side of the
> conflict, and that, in fact unified German capitalism was no more
> progressive than the "decadent," "imperial," capitalism of Louis
> Bonaparte's
> France, and that the German working class has/had every need to establish
> its unity, its unification of Germany but had no need whatsoever for the
> establishment of a unified German capitalism."
>
>
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