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Couple of points here-- and my points are not meant as an oppositon to Dan's 
contention that anarchism is not intellectually bankrupt, or that anarchism 
has been an historically imporant current in the class struggle.

1. " Before the 1917 Russian revolution, the most dedicated advocates of 
class warfare were ALL Anarchists"-- that is just not accurate in Russia, or 
outside Russia.  It was not the case in Russia in 1905; it was not the case 
in the Irish struggle throughout the late 18th century, 19th century, and 
20th century.  It was not the case in the Cuban revolutionary struggles of 
1868, and in the resumption of those struggles after 1888. It was not the 
case in the emerging agrarian and urban struggle in China.  It was not the 
case in the Mexican Revolution of 1910-- although things might have turned 
out better if there had been greater numbers of  anarchist advocates of 
class warfare.

2.  I suppose part of the problem hinges on relative definitions of "most 
dedicated advocates of class warfare,"  because the phrase itself is pretty 
much empty of any political, historical content, and context.  So advocates 
of abolition of the state qua state "outrank" the left socialists, left 
social-democrats who argued, agitated, organized for class based opposition 
to WW1?  So advocates of "class warfare"  "outdo" the organizers, agitators 
for the resurgence of the 1905 soviets in 1916 Russia?

3.  Regarding the CNT and its participation in the popular front government 
in Spain-- certainly significant portions of the CNT rank and file [and some 
of its leadership] thought this was a "betrayal," but the question is a 
little bit more complex than the "answer" of "betrayal."  Like...what's 
being betrayed?  Opposition to the bourgeoisie, to capitalism?  Like the 
necessity for the proletariat to remain independent of the governments of 
the bourgeoisie?  Like the importance of constructing organs and protecting 
organs of dual power in opposition to governments of recuperation?  Or is it 
a betrayal of an opposition to state power as state power?    Dan says that 
some in the CNT saw the entry into the popular front government as a tactic, 
strategy to protect the workers' councils from complete destruction by the 
official Communist Party.  I'm interest in what Dan thinks-- does he regard 
that as a valid reason, argument for entry?  And in any case, what were the 
results of that entry?

4. If all the "strains" of anarachism shouldn't be lumped together and 
dismissed as bankrupt or irrelevant, that same sense of discrimination 
should be applied to "Leninism"-- as if such a thing as Leninism might 
actually exist. IMO once a group starts talking about its fidelity to 
Leninism with a Capital L, the game is pretty much over-- but the point is 
that there is a historical validity to the organization, development, and 
activity of the Bolsheviks in the Russian Revolution-- of the growing unity 
of the Bolsheviks and the deepest ranks and files of the workers through the 
factory committees and the soviets where truly the Bolsheviks were 
identified by the workers as their, the workers, OWN-- as their own agency 
for defending the organization, and for securing the power, of the soviets.

----- Original Message ----- 
From: "Dan" <[email protected]> 


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