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I think Tom's post is very good even where I disagree with it, but before we 
go too far down this road, I want to reiterate the original point-- that the 
analysis of permanent revolution Trotsky developed, and articulated pretty 
clearly I think in Results and Prospects is not a theory of development 
where "communists" can out-accumulate the bourgeoisie in countries enmeshed 
in capital's network through uneven and combined development.

Mark's not the only one confused-- I have been trying to sort this out for 
more than 20 years-- ever since Poland 1981, in attempt to derive something 
a bit more dynamic than either "state capitalism" or "deformed workers' 
state."

I don't buy [nice choice of words, that] "state capitalism," for the simple 
reason that you can't have capitalism without a capitalist class; and a 
class, by definition, has a specific, and necessary social relation of 
production that it brings with it to power, and that brings it to power.  So 
where is that social relation of production unique,  specific, and necessary 
to the "state capitalists" in the USSR, or China, or Cuba, etc.?

The transformation of China has little to do with men or women, old or 
young, passing resolutions.  It has everything to do with the enduring 
agricultural limitations that the revolution did not, could not, overcome; 
the inferior productivity of China's state industry; and the massive inflows 
of direct foreign investment.

If the CCP has not lost total control of the process, we might caution--  
wait awhile, the revolution only took place in 1949, this process started in 
1979.  I don't think China is going to escape an economic upheaval of 
immense proportions, and I expect that, if there a successful workers 
revolution as a result, the impact on living standards will make Russian 
post 1991, Russia of 1998, look good in comparison.

What China was, in its social organization,  was certainly an extension of 
Stalin's Russia.  Returning to our criteria of class and the relations of 
production for determing the character of the economy, is it correct to say 
that the expropriation of the bourgeoisie, in and of itself, is sufficient 
to the change of those relations esssential to a worker's state being a 
worker's state?  IMO, no.  The "nationalized" "collectivized" whatever 
property relation as it exists in these areas is itself "deformed," a 
product of the inadequacies of capitalism, inadequacies determined by the 
international development of capital, inadequacies which the revolution 
absorbs into itself when taking power.    I realize this is more metaphor 
than detailed analysis, and this does not mean we don't defend such areas 
from the assaults of the advanced capitalism; it does mean that any notion 
of development that does not include 1) international success of 
revolutionary struggle 2) actual functioning organs of workers power 
separate and apart from those of any party, is not a "worker's state," and 
will decompose into capitalism, and that decomposition can and will appear 
as economic development.



----- Original Message ----- 
From: "Tom O'Lincoln" <suar...@alphalink.com.au> 


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