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Mark L. wrote:

"We're dealing with something

very, very different where consciousness requires less and
less of a

material check."

 

I'm not sure what exactly this means..., but following on
what Richard was saying about the increased rate of exploitation in the, what I
would prefer to call, classical capitalist countries (rather than advanced,
imperialist cores, etc., which gives the idea that the form of the other
countries is less determined by capital, so “underdeveloped” that they actually
need more capitalism, which is so progressive these days), I think the central 
material
determination of the break-up of trade-unionization is somewhere else. In other
words, the rate of exploitation as I see it has been increasing globally, this
we may say initiated in the classical countries but took a global character –as
it must- due to a deeper process underlying it which is the fragmentation of
the productive powers (or productive subjectivities) of the working class as a
whole, or what Marx called the collective labourer. This is a consequence of
the development of large-scale industry itself, which particularly since the 
70’s
(though this process which Mandel called the 3rd technological
revolution had started before) accelerated concurrently with the process of
over-accumulation of capital. The absolute contradiction of capital is its
tendency toward the socialization of *private* labor, so that as much as much
as this process needed to homogenize the working class through de-skilling it
also had to do it by determining the individual worker as the appendage of
machinery, who as the personifications of labor-power have now to reproduce
themselves with a differentiated specificity. The ideologies of racism,
xenophobia, nationalism, etc. are the manifestations which are needed to
perpetuate this fragmentation, and this is why the struggle of undocumented 
immigrants,
not just in the US but as far as Argentina, is central to a reconstitution of
workers political power in order to force capital to reproduce the labor-power
of the working class on the same universal conditions, and which is therefore to
go against the current national form of accumulation and international division
of labor. In that respect, such theories of the aristocracy of labor are 
unhelpful,
to say the least.

I would write more but I have to go now. Luckily, most of
the things I wanted to say (which are not originally mine of course) can be
found in these two articles:


'Transformations in capital accumulation: From the national
production of an universal labourer 

to the international fragmentation of the productive
subjectivity of the working-class’ by Juan Iñigo Carrera

www.iwgvt.org/files/03Inigo.doc

 

‘The New International Division of Labour and the
Differentiated Evolution of Poverty at World 

Scale’ by Nicolas Grinberg

http://www.sed.manchester.ac.uk/research/events/conferences/povertyandcapital/grinberg.pdf
                                        
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