This article points out that in previous right-wing extremist arrests, a far 
greater proportion were under thirty-five and were not business owners or 
white-collar workers.

Unless we suppose that the larger group have mysteriously vanished, this 
reinforces the idea that the capitol arrestee sample was skewed toward the 
middle-aged "petty bourgeoisie" (apparently now an acceptable term) by some 
combination of circumstances TBD, among them perhaps the means, leisure, and 
autonomy to travel to Washington in the middle of a work-week for a riot and an 
assumption of privilege that led them to carry good-quality cell phones and 
high-end video equipment and still cameras and record their high-jinks and 
those of their "boys" in celebration of their presumptive immunity from 
contradiction--which may well prove to be a reality.

The "different profile" IMO does not necessarily suggest a new overall 
composition of right-wing extremism, but perhaps only the skewing of the 
profile by selection criteria inherent in the circumstances of the event and 
the criteria for arrest (those criteria still TBD, since AFAIK nobody in a 
position to know has actually analyzed them).

Even so, per the article, a decided majority of the Capitol Hill gang (60%) 
were not "petty bourgeois" over 40 and a much greater percentage of previous 
rightwing arrestees were also not PB.

The results taken as a whole in the bigger picture suggest PB leadership of 
this event and prominence among other elements of the Trump coalition, but do 
not really support the assertion that Trumpism has little or no support among 
the working classes or that Capitol Hill marks a new turn to the PB.  It seems, 
on the contrary, to suggest that WC support--and youth support--for the Trump 
ideology is both widespread and massive.  Presumably those "others" who tended 
to be arrested previously are still with us and as rabid as ever.

No comparable analysis has been taken AFAIK of the support profile for left 
positions, including the rapidly fading penumbra of possibly 
class-struggle-related, as opposed to directly racism-related manifestations 
surrounding BLM.

Of course analysis of arrest records hardly equals scientific polling, which is 
itself notoriously--even comically--fallible

I think that in fact "we" do not at present know who is where politically in 
this country or how that may be changing

It seems likeliest to me that nothing much will happen in the long run to the 
two hundred or so convenient as-it-were "usual suspects" who have been rounded 
up, and that this victory for them--together with Trump's inescapable 
triumphant victory in the second impeachment trial--may catapult the de facto 
vindicated "terrorists" into positions of new leadership in the right wing 
movement.  That movement may be gaining cadres.

I suppose that this new mini-turn toward explicitly PB rank and file 
leadership--if it happened--could cause some fracturing along class 
lines--what? More bosses?  More elites?  What done happened to mah fraydom ?  
But the right wing has a long tradition of high-prestige explainers who set you 
down and tell it like they want to say it is, and this has generally been well 
received by the rank and file. They love it when Massa condescends to share a 
chaw with the Jacksonian "gentlemen."  George Wallace, the lawyer, was as PB as 
they come.

AFAIK the bigger picture now--except for being probably catastrophic in the 
long run--is not much clearer now than it was a month ago, although some 
fascinating details have been added.

i wonder what the class profiles of us voter in general is--and of Democrat 
voters in general.  It wouldn't surprise me to find that there are more PBs 
voting Democrat than Trump, or at least pretty much the same number.  
Non-voters?


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