Stone and Rennie overlook copious evidence that has emerged over the
past several years in the form ofsatellite photos
<https://www.chinafile.com/reporting-opinion/features/what-satellite-images-can-show-us-about-re-education-camps-xinjiang>,Chinese
government documents
<https://xinjiang.sppga.ubc.ca/policy-documents/government-sources/>,on-the-ground
reporting <https://xinjiang.sppga.ubc.ca/media/documentaries/>, andthe
lived experiences of survivors
<https://xinjiang.sppga.ubc.ca/lived-experiences/>to dismiss outcry
against state-sanctioned destruction of Islamic sacred sites, forcible
sterilization of Muslim women, and coerced labour camps – waving off all
of this evidence as “fiction” and calling the existence of the detention
camps “a ridiculous libel.”
Stone and Rennie also overlook the driving motivation behind the Chinese
state’s decisions: its settler capitalist project of “opening the West.”
When China annexed the region in 1949 from the short-lived Soviet-backed
East Turkestan Republic, the Han population of Xinjiang wasslightly more
than 6 per cent <https://www.jstor.org/stable/24364952?seq=1>(Han people
are the majority ethnic group in China). Economic migration began in
earnest in the 1980s, so that by 2010, the region was over 40 per cent
Han. By the early 2000s, Xinjiang (whose name literally means “New
Frontier” in Mandarin Chinese) had already beenconverted to a peripheral
colony <https://lausan.hk/2020/camps-in-xinjiang-global-problem/>whose
economic function was to supply large eastern Chinese cities with raw
materials. The amalgamation of pre-existing settler capitalist
imperatives with war-on-terror discourse and Xinjiang’svital location
<http://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201909/02/WS5d6c84d0a310cf3e355692ce.html>in
China’s flagship “Belt and Road Initiative” infrastructure project
created an overwhelming impetus to securitize the region.
https://briarpatchmagazine.com/articles/view/china-the-canadian-left-and-countering-state-capitalist-apologia
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