Best regards,
Andrew Stewart

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <[email protected]>
> Date: April 2, 2021 at 12:21:48 PM EDT
> To: [email protected]
> Cc: H-Net Staff <[email protected]>
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Africa]:  Maddox on Styles, 'Roses from Kenya: 
> Labor, Environment, and the Global Trade in Cut Flowers'
> Reply-To: [email protected]
> 
> Megan A. Styles.  Roses from Kenya: Labor, Environment, and the 
> Global Trade in Cut Flowers.  Culture, Place, and Nature Series. 
> Seattle  University of Washington Press, 2019.  Illustrations, map, 
> charts. 256 pp.  $30.00 (paper), ISBN 978-0-295-74650-0; $95.00 
> (cloth), ISBN 978-0-295-74651-7.
> 
> Reviewed by Gregory H. Maddox (Texas Southern University)
> Published on H-Africa (April, 2021)
> Commissioned by David D. Hurlbut
> 
> Megan Styles has written an anthropology of place based on the export 
> cut-flower industry in Naivasha, Kenya. In her analysis, place stands 
> for the center of a web that connects mostly foreign-owned factory 
> farms producing flowers to grace the tables of Europeans; the 
> descendants of the Maa-speaking communities displaced first by white 
> settlers and then by the farms; the workers who have come from all 
> over Kenya to labor in them; the Kenyan professionals and skilled 
> workers who make up the middle class in this enterprise and have 
> their own connections of politics and patronage linking them to both 
> workers and broader Kenyan circles; and the whites, both ex-patriot 
> and Kenyan, who own and control the industry. While she locates this 
> nexus within the geographic and environmental confines of Naivasha, 
> hers is not a history of a landscape but a study of the social, 
> political, and economic interactions that have for a time created 
> Naivasha as a "nerve center" in local, national, and global networks. 
> 
> Styles frames her work around the anthropology of place as a social 
> construction. She highlights the export cut-flower industry that grew 
> up in Naivasha as a nexus of potential that drew capital and workers 
> from Kenya and the world. Styles situates the development of the 
> industry in the neoliberal moment that began in the 1980s in Africa. 
> Chapter 1 seeks to physically situate the place that came to house 
> this nexus. Ironically, this chapter represents perhaps the weakest 
> part of her argument. In a work centered around the concept of place,
> the landscape of Naivasha remains ascribed, not described. Rather 
> than being integrated as an actor, as in the best environmental 
> scholarship, the landscape in this chapter remains a captive of the 
> human forces acting on it, from Maa-speaking pastoralists to white 
> settlers to flower entrepreneurs to the communal politics of 
> postcolonial Kenya. The 2007 postelection violence that shook Kenya 
> took place during her fieldwork. Famously, some its most deadly 
> outbreaks took place among the workers' settlements around Naivasha. 
> Styles' analysis of the conflicts is circumspect. 
> 
> From there, Styles moves to firmer ground when she locates four 
> distinct groups or institutions drawn to and linked with the nexus of 
> flowers in Naivasha. She analyzes in turn what has drawn workers, 
> middle-class Kenyan professionals, the state and its functionaries, 
> and white farm managers, both Kenyan and expatriate, to Naivasha. For 
> workers, the lure of flowers is the opportunity to gain access to 
> resources through wage employment. Styles illustrates the way many 
> workers remained linked to a home place where any resources accessed 
> go to build ties in home communities and provide education for 
> children. She shows how solidarity as workers vies with communal ties 
> and patronage networks to make life survivable while also placing 
> limits on aspirations. She also situates Black Kenyan members of the 
> middle class inside patronage networks, which are sometimes overtly 
> political but at others linked internationally to professional, NGO, 
> corporate, and governmental networks. For both workers and the Kenyan 
> middle class, life remains "slippery" in Naivasha. 
> 
> Styles then analyzes the "government" as a separate actor and
> conflates within that section an analysis of the Kenyan state, 
> corporate interests, and public pressure, primarily in Europe, to 
> ensure that products sold in Europe were produced "ethically." She 
> situates state and corporate action as transitioning from a 
> "rollback," or destructive phase of neoliberalism that sought to 
> dismantle economic controls seen as hindering capitalist 
> productivity, to a "rollout," or creative phase that sees corporate 
> interests partner with the state to achieve goals such as ensuring 
> enough water in Naivasha to continue to produce flowers and mandating 
> at least minimal standards for working conditions, the latter goal 
> often phrased as ensuring that all producers, large and small, face 
> the same conditions. Styles finally turns to the networks of whites, 
> both Kenyan and expatriate, that work in the farms. She notes the 
> existence of occasional animosity between the two groups, as both 
> seek in different ways to find or maintain a sense of belonging in 
> postcolonial Kenya. For expatriates, this effort means defining 
> themselves as playing a role in the development of Kenya as a modern 
> economy. For white Kenyan citizens, it means claiming a particular 
> tie to the land, especially in Naivasha as formerly part of the White 
> Highlands, that in many ways they privilege as stronger and deeper 
> than even those of the African communities displaced for white 
> settlement at the beginning of the twentieth century. 
> 
> Styles has produced an insightful work filled with evocative 
> analysis. She shows the links stretching from the homes of the 
> workers across Kenya to supermarkets in urban centers in Europe, from 
> the halls of power in Nairobi to the stock exchanges in Amsterdam, to 
> the shores of the lake. Styles shows how these links create a place, 
> at least for a while. The final insight of the work lies in the 
> transitory nature of the nexus she describes. Commercial flower 
> farming in Kenya and Naivasha developed relatively recently and has 
> already seen changes in the source of its capital as more comes from 
> the developing economies of Asian, and is perhaps being challenged by 
> geothermal energy as the most important way to exploit the recourses 
> of the area. The very nexus she analyzes may be as slippery as its 
> denizens describe their place in it. 
> 
> Citation: Gregory H. Maddox. Review of Styles, Megan A., _Roses from 
> Kenya: Labor, Environment, and the Global Trade in Cut Flowers_. 
> H-Africa, H-Net Reviews. April, 2021.
> URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=55904
> 
> This work is licensed under a Creative Commons 
> Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States 
> License.
> 
> 


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