Two takeaways from this excellent interview -

On Sun, May 12, 2024 at 7:32 AM Dayne Goodwin via groups.io <daynegoodwin=
[email protected]> wrote:

> Pulitzer Winner Nathan Thrall on Israel’s “System of Domination” and Biden
> Pausing Bomb Shipment
> DemocracyNow! May 10
> https://www.democracynow.org/2024/5/9/nathan_thrall_west_bank_violence
>
> *Jerusalem-based journalist and author Nathan Thrall has been awarded the
> 2024 Pulitzer Prize for General Nonfiction for his book, A Day in the Life
> of Abed Salama: Anatomy of a Jerusalem Tragedy. It tells the story of
> Israel’s occupation of the West Bank through one Palestinian father’s quest
> to seek answers and accountability after his 5-year-old son is involved in
> a deadly accident. We speak to Thrall about President Biden saying for the
> first time that he would not supply certain weapons to Israel to be used in
> an all-out invasion of Rafah. “It is too little, too late,” Thrall says.
> “It is a step in the right direction, but the administration has said that
> it has not made a final determination even about these paused weapons.”
> Thrall also discusses Israel’s ceasefire talks with Hamas, anti-Netanyahu
> protests led by families of Israeli hostages, Israel’s intensified
> crackdown in the West Bank, how criticism of Israel is conflated with
> antisemitism, and why debates over the future of a Palestinian state are an
> “enormous distraction from the reality on the ground” — Israel’s “system of
> domination that is extremely bureaucratic and elaborate, [that] has lasted
> for over half a century and [is] not going anywhere.”*
>   .  .  .
> NERMEEN SHAIKH: Nathan, I was asking you about why you think the
> discussions around a two-state or one-state solution are the wrong
> discussions to be happening.
>
> NATHAN THRALL: You know, these conversations are premised on the notion
> that Israel eventually has to choose: It has to either give the millions of
> Palestinians living under its control without basic civil rights — it has
> to give them either citizenship, with equality, or statehood. And so many
> people in the diplomatic community would like to have, as they have been
> having for decades, debates about what a two-state outcome should look
> like, whether there should be two states or one state or confederation or
> what have you.
>
> And all of that is an enormous distraction from the reality on the ground,
> because the fact of the matter is, Israel does not have to choose between
> two states and one state. It doesn’t have to choose between giving
> Palestinians sovereignty or citizenship. It has a third option, which is to
> continue on the path that it’s going down. The path that it’s going down is
> slow, *de facto* annexation of the West Bank, an absorption of the West
> Bank settlements in Area C, a takeover of Palestinian land, and a
> constriction of Palestinians into small walled-off or fenced-off
> communities, like the town of Anata, where my book takes place, or like
> Gaza.
>
> And so, rather than focusing on the reality, which is a movement in the
> opposite direction of either two states or equality in one state, but
> rather a deepening of this system of control that leading human rights
> organizations, like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch and the
> U.N. Human Rights Council and Al-Haq and B’Tselem, have all described as a
> system of apartheid — rather than addressing that system, Israel would very
> much like for everybody to debate what would be the ideal outcome, what is
> the future utopia that we would all like, and let’s only address this
> structural inequality, this systematic domination, once we’ve all agreed
> that we’ve landed on the right, perfect outcome.
>   .  .  .
> AMY GOODMAN: ... And you’re in Berlin right now, in Germany. Germany has
> been a remarkable scene, where you have German police arresting Jewish
> protesters, saying that they cannot criticize Israel. What has happened
> with your events, from Germany to the United States, as you raise questions
> about Israel’s war on Gaza?
>
> NATHAN THRALL: In Germany, I had an event that was to take place on
> Tuesday in Frankfurt that was canceled at the very last minute by the Union
> International Club in Frankfurt. And none of the people who canceled the
> event had read the book or knew a thing about it. And none of them had or
> provided any substantive reason for the cancellation. And the same thing
> was happening to me in the United States.
>
> And the reason in Germany is everybody is afraid of being accused of
> antisemitism. And what they’re really being accused of is not antisemitism,
> but criticism of Israel that is described as antisemitism. And Israel has
> spent years — Israel and its allies have spent years, in the United States
> and in Germany, putting forward a definition of antisemitism that includes
> criticism of Israel, entirely legitimate criticism of Israel, and trying to
> get around our basic democratic commitment to free speech by describing
> speech that is entirely legitimate as antisemitic. And so, that’s what’s
> happened here.
>
> And who, of course, is the close ally of Israel, the most pro-Israel force
> here in Germany? It’s the far-right party. As we see elsewhere,
> ethnonationalists love Israel as a model for the kind of place they want to
> become: an ethnonational state that will dominate over people who are not
> like them.
>   .  .  .
>
> 
>
>


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