Below is a rough translation of the latest statement released by the Popular 
Democratic Front, which was set up by various left parties, organisations, 
human rights groups and trade unionists that lays out their views on the issue 
of the CNE's lack of transparency and failure to abide by its obligations, as 
well as the repression being metered out.

*REPRESSION AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN VENEZUELA*

*Second Declaration of the Popular Democratic Front*

We would like to begin this statement by recalling two articles of our 
Constitution, which are very important for the defence of our rights and 
guarantees within the framework of a Constitutional State as provided for in 
our Magna Carta:

For this purpose, we will read *Article 5* , which contains the democratic 
political principle *:*

"Sovereignty resides non-transferably in the people, who exercise it directly 
in the manner provided for in this Constitution and the law, and indirectly 
through suffrage. The organs of the State emanate from and are subject to the 
sovereignty of the people.

*Article 19* is the cross-cutting guarantee that the organs of the Public Power 
must observe in each of their actions when it provides:

"The State shall guarantee to every person ... the unrenounceable, indivisible 
and interdependent enjoyment and exercise of human rights. Their respect and 
guarantee are obligatory for the organs of the Public Power....".

Since we are receiving reports through various media regarding excessive 
actions and without due process, presumption of innocence, transparency, and 
unrestricted respect for the human rights of Venezuelans, the Popular 
Democratic Front (FDP), a space that brings together activists from social and 
political organisations, with different mandates, approaches and ideologies, 
with the aim of contributing to transforming the serious crisis that our 
country is going through, makes the following statement on the repressive 
policy unleashed after July 28th, in the following terms:

*1. Doubts about the official result of the elections* , announced by the 
president of the National Electoral Council (CNE), Elvis Amoroso, on 29.07.24, 
continue to grow since our last pronouncement. The CNE continues to fail to 
comply with its constitutional obligation to carry out the audits provided for 
in the electoral chronogram in the terms stipulated in the LOPRE, keeps its 
offices closed, does not make public statements on the alleged computer attacks 
(instead, the Executive makes them), and still does not publish the results 
broken down table by table (as it has done for almost two decades), nor does it 
provide this information to the organisations participating in the process. In 
other words, the electoral process has not been completed. However, the CNE is 
absent from its constitutional obligations and is keeping the 12.5 million 
voters who participated and all Venezuelans in suspense. For its part, the 
Electoral Chamber of the Supreme Court of Justice does nothing more than 
contribute to the opacity of the process, assuming the CNE's own functions, 
without giving the presidential candidates and their organisations access to 
information. The peace of the Republic continues to be threatened by these 
institutions that carry out a continuous violation of the political rights of 
the Venezuelan people.

*2.* The enormous popular mobilisation for the defence of political rights 
continues to be responded to with a *systematic policy of human rights 
violations* , combining *selective repression* , based on arbitrary arrests of 
opposition political leaders, journalists, members of social organisations and 
priests, with *massive repression* , fundamentally against inhabitants of the 
popular sectors who mobilised against the official announcement of results. 
Some patterns of repression against the popular sectors are:

*2.1. The right to personal liberty.* President Maduro reported that 2,229 
demonstrators, whom he publicly accuses of being "terrorists" who were under 
the influence of the drug known as "captagon", are deprived of their liberty. 
Of these, at least 126 are adolescents and 17 are persons with disabilities, 
according to human rights organisations. There are numerous public reports of 
arbitrary detentions by police or military, without warrants or in flagrante 
delicto: people who were demonstrating peacefully and were detained, and even 
people who were not even demonstrating, but were close to the places of 
conflict or who were subsequently detained in their homes, with searches 
without warrants, as a result of previous complaints through Ven App. There are 
also numerous reports of detainees being held incommunicado, as well as being 
subjected to undignified conditions of detention in police centres or being 
transferred to prisons far from their families.

*2.2. The right to defence and due process.* Detainees are prevented from 
appointing private lawyers and are forced to appoint public defenders who do 
not guarantee an adequate technical defence. The presentation hearings have 
been carried out collectively, without a clear individualisation of the 
charges. The criminal offences most frequently used by the Public Prosecutor's 
Office to bring charges, with little or no evidence, are: terrorism, incitement 
to hatred, resistance to authority and obstruction of public roads; the first 
two offences carry sentences ranging from 10 to 30 years' imprisonment. The 
weak support of the Public Prosecutor's Office is compounded by the complicity 
of the supervisory judges who agree to initiate criminal proceedings, despite 
the lack of evidence. The severe penalties in the indictment prevent the trial 
from being conducted in freedom, generate terror in the accused and facilitate 
the extortion of the accused so that they accept acts they did not commit (in 
recorded statements) in exchange for better treatment. These are patterns of 
the penal apparatus, which have been consolidated over the last five years.

*2.3. Labour rights.* After the popular mobilisations, a particular persecution 
of civil servants began. After the review of social networks, hundreds of 
workers have been dismissed. There are reports of mass dismissals in VTV, 
SENIAT, Pdvsa and Conviasa. Most of these workers have not filed complaints due 
to possible retaliation and withholding of their social benefits or possible 
criminal charges.

*3.* Although the vast majority of the demonstrations were peaceful, there were 
indeed some violent demonstrations, in the context of which *PSUV militants* 
were *attacked*. These included a serious lynching attempt in Carora, the 
murder of two women in Aragua and in Bolivar, threats by telephone to local 
leaders or marks on their houses. The FDP *condemns these expressions of 
political hatred* and demands that they be properly investigated and punished, 
and that the lives and integrity of PSUV grassroots militants be protected.

*4.* In response to the alleged facts, the FDP makes the following demands:

*4.1.* That the CNE complies with its legal obligation to immediately publish 
the results table by table, either on its website, on an alternative website or 
by delivering the data directly to the participating political organisations 
and other actors; as well as to facilitate an audit process on the tally 
sheets, machines and boxes containing ballots for the one-to-one count. Only 
respect for popular sovereignty will make it possible to recover a democratic 
and peaceful administration of the Venezuelan political conflict.

*4.2.* That the national executive and its security forces refrain from 
continuing to carry out arbitrary arrests, illegal searches and planting 
evidence on demonstrators, dissidents, opponents or critics of the government; 
that it refrain, also, from continuing to use para-police organisations to 
intimidate and repress the popular sectors.

*4.3.* That the Public Prosecutor's Office refrain from continuing to bring 
charges with no or weak evidence of conviction, based on political motivations, 
for very serious criminal offences, and that the supervisory judges refrain 
from initiating criminal proceedings whose main motivation is to criminalise 
the defence of political rights.

*4.4.* That the Ombudsman's Office accompany those who are being unjustly 
prosecuted, investigate the situation of their conditions of detention, 
investigate the patterns of institutional violence that are being denounced and 
act to prevent them and promote their sanction.

*4.5.* That a process of political negotiation be carried out that will allow 
the result announced by the CNE to be audited as soon as possible and protect 
the expression of the majorities, political guarantees for all the actors in 
the conflict, and the release of those detained and charged for exercising 
their right to demonstrate.

*4.6* That the charges and sentences applied be investigated in depth on a case 
by case basis to distinguish who has actually committed a crime and who has 
simply been wrongly accused. The state must guarantee due process and the 
presumption of innocence for all Venezuelans.

*5.* Finally, the FDP stresses that, in this context, the only guarantee for 
the respect of our political rights is popular mobilisation, the expression of 
our opinions and analyses, the broadening of public debate, the demand for our 
rights before the institutions and the demand for justice in the face of human 
rights violations. For this reason, we invite citizens to stay informed and 
mobilised.

*We demand respect for the Constitution, popular sovereignty and human rights!*


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