A Third Party Perspective On The Rightward Lurch Of The US Body Politic - 
PopularResistance.Org

A Third Party Perspective on the Rightward Lurch of the US Body Politic
By Roger D. Harris, Popular Resistance.
2024 Election Postmortem.
The chickens that the Democrats hatched in 2016 came home to roost in 2024. 
Back then, the Democratic National Committee (DNC), representing the party’s 
establishment, promoted Donald Trump as the Republican nominee. They thought 
him to be an easy mark who would be opposed by both the Republican Party 
establishment and most US voters.
That stratagem turned out to be correct about the Republican establishment but 
wrong about the electorate. In any case, Trump went on to not only capture the 
GOP but the archaic Electoral College as well.
The DNC reprised that strategy with the same suicidal results this year, 
putting all their deplorable eggs into the one basket of running on a platform 
of “not-Trump.”
Trump campaigned on the gambit of asking whether Americans felt they were 
better off now after four years of Joe Biden. The populace roared back a 
resounding “NO.” Pitching to a disaffected and dispossessed citizenry, he threw 
them reactionary red meat, scapegoating immigrants and others.
Kamala Harris flew the blue banner but her woke message that she was “not 
Trump” was less convincing. A red tsunami has swept the Democrats not only out 
of the White House but congress and many governorships. Trump is on track to 
win the popular vote.
This “triumph of the swill,” borrowing from the Dead Kennedys, will have 
consequences for the Supreme Court and the larger makeup of the US politics 
going into the future. MAGA has now firmly infected the body politic and 
threatens to metastasize. Hillary Clinton’s smug words in 2016, “Trump is the 
gift that keeps on giving,” turned out to be unintentionally prescient.
Would it have been any different had the DNC not rigged the 2016 presidential 
nomination for establishment candidate Clinton by sabotaging Bernie Sanders, 
who campaigned on issues of empowerment and economic benefit that also appealed 
to Trump voters? For them, the fear that Sanders could activate and organize 
genuine grassroots discontent into a social movement was greater than the risk 
of a Trump presidency.
But the faux independent senator from Vermont had a fatal flaw – “though shalt 
not do anything that harms the Democratic Party.” This was all the DNC needed 
to crush his campaign. His “Our Revolution” was domesticated, while Bernie 
shepherded progressives into the big blue tent.
Green Party campaign manager Jason Call, speaking personally on election night, 
said it was better to vote for a third party candidate who was opposed to the 
genocide in Palestine. Even if one accepts the bogus argument that doing so 
throws the election to Trump, in the larger picture, that would still be 
preferable to telling the Democrats, who are the party in power, that their 
conduct is acceptable.
Democratic Party supporters, of course, disagree. They claim that Trump is even 
more pro-Zionist than their candidate, which may be true. Although today the 
Democratic Party is arguably the leading war party, we will have cold comfort 
with the Republicans in power. And domestically the Democrats spout a better 
line on some social wedge issues that don’t threaten elite rule, such as 
women’s reproductive rights, although their walk is not as good as their talk.
Yes, things will get worse under Trump. But things would also get worse under 
Harris. This is because the entire political discourse has been staggering to 
the right regardless of which wing of the duopoly is in power.
In contrast, the voting public is well to the left of them on almost every 
issue, from universal public healthcare to opposition to endless war. By any 
objective measure, Jill Stein’s Green Party campaign was middle of the road 
compared to her corporate party competitors.
The lesser-evil voting strategy itself bears some degree of responsibility for 
this reactionary tide. By unconditionally supporting the Democrats, 
progressive-leaning voters become a captured constituency to be ignored. They 
incentivize the Democrats to scurry even further to the right to try to pick up 
the votes of the undecided and to further cater to the class interests of their 
corporate funders.
Wednesday morning quarterbacks (election day is on Tuesday) are saying that the 
Democrats should have given more emphasis in their campaign messaging to 
economic issues affecting working people. This ignores the fact that Harris, 
and Biden before her, had claimed that they had turned the economy around.
The debate on how much better the post-Covid economy is and who benefited leads 
to a deeper question. The current incarnation of capitalism, what is popularly 
called “neoliberalism,” has failed to meet the material needs of working 
people. This structural problem, not simply a question of policy, begs for 
another economic model.
The now manifest failure of the Democrats to offer a platform beyond “not 
Trump” exposes their bankruptcy. They do not even pretend to have an agenda to 
address the underlying economic distress, because the limits of the economic 
system that they embrace provides no succor.
In fact, neither of the major parties offer an alternative to neoliberalism. 
Both duopoly wings tend to campaign on cultural rather than substantive 
economic issues precisely because neither have solutions to the erosion of the 
quality of life for most citizens.
The Republican’s capitalized on popular discontent with the incumbents. But 
come the mid-term elections in two years, the tables will be turned. This drama 
is being played out abroad with social democrats getting the boot in places 
like Argentina and Austria, part of a larger blowback filling the sails of an 
international far-right insurgence.
A major left-liberal concern is the supposed imminent threat of fascism. Their 
fear is focused on Trump’s dysfunctionality and his “deplorable” working class 
minions; not on the security apparatus of the state, which they have learned to 
love. However, fascism is not a personality disorder. The ruling class – 
whether its nominal head wears a red or blue hat – has no reason to impose a 
fascist dictatorship as long as people embrace rather than oppose the security 
state.
The New York Times reported: “US stocks, the value of the dollar, and yields on 
Treasury bonds all recorded gains as Mr. Trump’s victory became clear.” That is 
good for the ruling class but not so much for the rest of us.
Lesser-evil voting contributes to the rightward trajectory of US politics at 
this time when structural change is needed. Absent a third-party alternative, 
the two-party duopoly doesn’t even recognize existential threats, such as 
global warming or nuclear annihilation, let alone address them.
Meanwhile, the US military launched a test hypersonic nuclear missile right 
after the polls closed on November 5. The scariest thing about their 
“reassurance” to the American public regarding this practice run for World War 
III was that it was “routine.”
Roger D. Harris is on the state central committee of the Peace and Freedom 
Party, the only ballot-qualified socialist party in California. The views 
expressed here are his own.


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