The Democratic Party Doesn't Work

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The Democratic Party Doesn't Work

Paul Blest

The party has been rotting for years and years. Now we're all paying the price.
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The Democratic Party Doesn't Work

The party has been rotting for years and years. Now we're all paying the price.


Several years ago, the Republican National Committee started opening “community 
centers” in minority-majority cities and towns across the country: Hispanic 
communities in Texas and Georgia, Asian-American areas in Orange County, Black 
neighborhoods in Philadelphia and Milwaukee, and heavily Native communities in 
places like Robeson County, North Carolina. In September 2022, the RNC said it 
had hosted 5,000 events at dozens of these centers, spread across 19 states.

“The RNC’s purposeful engagement forges the way for stronger relationships with 
minority communities and a stronger Republican Party,” then-chair Ronna Romney 
McDaniel, said at the time. “Unlike Democrats, Republicans do not take minority 
communities for granted, and we will continue to work to earn each vote ahead 
of November.” 

As Alex Sammon wrote for the American Prospect in 2022:


The community centers were established to bore the opening further, making the 
appeal directly to racial minorities inside their communities, with an 
extremely offline, grassroots offering. This wasn’t a soft sell: The centers 
beckon potential voters with everything from movie nights to free dinners to 
holiday parties to gun safety trainings, thrown by local organizers and paid 
for by your friends at the RNC, which has dedicated millions of dollars to the 
program. If those tactics sound familiar, that’s because they were once used to 
great effect, by groups as varied as the Black Panthers in Oakland or Democrats 
in New York’s Tammany Hall.


The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee criticized these centers as a 
political stunt, and a lot of them shut down in the Trump Republican Party’s 
typically chaotic and confusing way. But it was difficult not to recall the 
community centers as it became obvious on Tuesday that Donald Trump was going 
to be elected president a second time. 

The working class shifted right all over the country on Tuesday. In South 
Texas, counties like Starr, which gave Barack Obama Assad-like margins in 2012, 
went for Trump by double-digits after dropping precipitously for Hillary 
Clinton in 2016 and Biden in 2020. Trump will likely be the first Republican 
since George W. Bush to beat the Culinary Union’s turnout machine and win 
Nevada, with an exit poll showing 60 percent support for Trump from Latino men 
and 45 percent support from union members. 


Few shifts were more noticeable than in Passaic County, New Jersey, a heavily 
Latino county, which abruptly flipped to Trump after slowly turning away from  
Democrats over the past 16 years. In Paterson and Clifton, two of the county’s 
largest cities, the party barely existed; dozens of Democratic Party committee 
seats were vacant until August. The same party that had made Passaic a 
stronghold for nearly 30 years had functionally stopped existing until there 
was an emergency.

Everything that was true about Donald Trump before Tuesday is still true today. 
In fact, he’s worse: He’s much older, his rhetoric is more violent, and the 
energy behind his campaign in 2024 was anemic compared to 2016. There was real 
grassroots energy behind Vice President Kamala Harris’s campaign that was 
completely nonexistent before President Joe Biden got out of the race, with 
consistently large and energetic rallies, thousands of volunteers canvassing, 
and more than $1 billion raked. Trump raised roughly a third of that and farmed 
out his  get-out-the-vote operation to Elon Musk and Charlie Kirk. 

And yet Trump managed to triumph on the back of the kind of multiracial 
working-class coalition, albeit a shaky one, that has eluded the left for 
decades. Why?

The daggers are already flying among Democrats. Predictably, immigrants 
andtransgender people are being scapegoated by some of the more soulless 
cretins in the party. But we have to look at this from both a short and a 
long-term perspective.

The short-term problem is relatively easy to diagnose. The main culprit for the 
loss in the presidential election, given Democrats elsewhere held up 
surprisingly well, is Biden, who has now cemented his legacy as one of the 
worst presidents of the modern era. Although Biden appointees advanced 
meaningful labor, industrial, antitrust, and consumer protection policies, he 
was personally a disaster, insulated from criticism with no ability to 
articulate even the positives of his administration. 

Biden funded genocide in Gaza and wars on two continents with no end in sight, 
feeding the perception that the world had grown more chaotic since Trump left 
office. Biden said, before he dropped out, that he alone could keep NATO 
together; voters said “okay” and threw the Democrats out anyway, when Harris 
threw together a campaign that, judging from early returns, appears to have 
lost the bet that attempting to personally win the vote of David Frum was worth 
deflating some of the constituencies that could have bailed her out in the 
Upper Midwest. 

But the Democrats’ failures didn’t begin with Biden. Most of these trends can 
be traced back more than a decade, after Obama’s last run. Despite declining 
margins beginning with Hillary Clinton, the Democrats believed they would keep 
these constituencies and forgot exactly why they won those voters in the first 
place, as the New York Times reporter Astead Herndon pointed out. 2024 was thus 
the culmination of years and years of rot that the party ignored.

Much of that rot comes from one thing: Tens of millions of people think the 
Democrats are talking at them, not to them. The 2024 campaign centered around 
issue after issue that the party simply refused to grapple with. Waving away 
inflation, high energy bills, and astronomical housing costs with charts and 
graphs did not work. Not forcefully articulating what they actually believe 
about civil rights, as Trump blanketed the airwaves with “Kamala is for 
they/them” ads, did not work. Complete non-engagement with anger over the 
genocide in Gaza, and even broader resistance to funding and participating in 
foreign wars that many justifiably feared would eventually involve American 
troops on the ground, did not work. The default posture of the Biden-era 
Democrats and the nonprofit and consultant apparatus surrounding them was 
dismissiveness. It did not work. 

With that said, there’s little evidence thus far that this was an 
epoch-defining realignment election. There are, undoubtedly, some first-time 
Trump voters who are now Republicans for the foreseeable future, drawn to the 
antagonistic cultural conservatism of the right. But Trump’s grasp on his 
voters is not absolute, as shown by Biden’s significant electoral victory just 
four years ago. Trump himself is significantly less capable and, like Biden, 
will rely on a group of unlikeable sycophants around him to carry out his 
agenda. Also like Biden, Trump’s mental state is clearly in decline. There’s no 
predicting how that decline will play out. JD Vance could very well be the 
president within the next four years, and either way, there’s far from any 
guarantee that the next Republican nominee — the first non-Trump candidate 
since Mitt Romney — would be able to hold Trump’s fragile coalition together. 
Moreover, Trump has no real solution to any of the problems he’s said he would 
fix. Assuming the Republicans end with the slimmest of House majorities (though 
Democrats still have an outside shot at winning the chamber), we’re probably 
getting more tax cuts, new crypto laws, potentially weed legalization, and some 
extra-fascist immigration policies, in large part thanks to the Democrats’ 
embrace of Bush-era Republican immigration rhetoric. His administration will 
overreach in disgusting and terrible ways that don’t address the material 
concerns of his voters, and no one will be better off for it except executives, 
lobbyists, and the people grifting off of his name and power. 

So he has myriad opportunities to screw this up, as people who voted for him 
and others who stayed home watch his true agenda take shape. The pendulum will 
likely swing back in the next two or four years — not out of any real love for 
the Democrats, but because they’re the only other party with ballot access in 
all fifty states and the money to run sustained national campaigns.

The big question is what happens when that pendulum does swing back, and the 
answer starts with what the Democrats do about it now. The consultants need to 
go. The loser attitude of the national party leadership, led by a once and 
future Boeing lobbyist who forcefully resisted dumping Biden from the top of 
the ticket, needs to go. The leadership of Northeastern local parties that are 
run like personal fiefdoms of the most corrupt and ineffective people you’ve 
ever seen, need to go. The Democrats need to learn how to talk to people again, 
to name the forces that make their lives more arduous and annoying, to appeal 
to what people believe are the best qualities about themselves, and to regain 
even a shred of credibility when they say they’ll work in the common interest. 
A “ground game” isn’t about what you do six weeks before an election. It’s 
about what you do in the years before that to build trust.


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Demonize the Rich

Hamilton Nolan

Fascists offer a fake enemy. We have to offer a real one.
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The Democrats once had an identity of being a party for the working class, and 
now that identity is defined by hating Donald Trump and protecting institutions 
that no one feels are particularly effective. One gave them a coalition that 
lasted decades, while the other appears to have lost every branch of government 
for the second time in eight years. For a party that wants to win and wield the 
sort of generational power needed to undo the damage done and yet to come, it 
shouldn’t be that difficult of a choice.
Paul Blest


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