On 1/23/2026 10:02 AM, hari kumar via groups.io wrote:
The “anti-USA” resistance of some of the “middle Powers” – is not unexpected. Nor is it either uniform or quick or, at present, irrevocable. It definitely fits the description of history in a  “zig-zag” or the “parallelogram of forces” – as labelled by Frederick Engels

Thanks Hari, and maybe we can chat in person about all this in early May.

However, isn't there a better framing for this process of subimperial states (and to some extent capitals) questioning the imperial power, namely 'antagonistic cooperation' as defined by Marini?

***

Writing in Monthly Review in 1972, Marini (1972: 16) considered how, after the U.S.-assisted coup in 1964, Washington readily assimilated Brasilia’s interests. By then, Brazilian subimperialism was “the form which dependent capitalism assumes upon reaching the stage of monopolies and finance capital.” Marini relied upon August Thalheimer’s 1946 concept of the sometimes-conflictual relationship between imperialism and subimperialism, boiling down to ‘antagonistic cooperation.’ This entailed imperialist plus subimperialist “Cooperation against the abolition of colonial rule and exploitation in general and against the socialist sphere, and competition for a share in the exploitation of the colonial territories.”

Michael Pröbsting (2015) contests the applicability of Thalheimer to the current conjuncture because,

   “the German communist viewed his term ‘antagonistic cooperation’ as
   a description of the situation after WWII. But he recognised that
   the cooperation between imperialist powers was based on the
   overriding class contradictions between the Western powers and the
   expanding Stalinist camp, and on the absolute superiority of the US.
   Hence his analysis of inter-imperialist cooperation was based on
   these conjunctural features. Consequently, Thalheimer’s view of the
   world order was not one of ‘cooperation’ but rather of a looming
   World War III, as the imperialist alliance was based on collective
   aggression against the Stalinist camp (the degenerated workers’
   states).”

The most important recent study was by Promise Li, in 2024:

     “antagonistic cooperation understands the imperialist system as an
   interdependent totality that can accommodate interdependence between
   and beyond geopolitical blocs... there are hree main characteristics
   of antagonistic cooperation: 1) the coexistence of a degree of
   antagonism between imperialist countries, empires-in-formation, and
   other intermediate, subimperial, and regional hegemons with their
   interdependence and cooperation; 2) the key role intermediate and
   regional economies play in maintaining global accumulation by
   developing a degree of political and economic autonomy to interface
   between geopolitical antagonisms; 3) the ever-deepening fusion of
   finance and state-led industrial capital that secures these two
   characteristics.”

   Li, P., 2024. ‘Imperialism: Antagonistic cooperation or antagonistic
   contradictions. Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal.
   Available at: https://links.org.au/node/7133

***

As for Carney in Davos, yes, he offers an interesting auto-critique of subimperialism (politely self-described as 'middle power' status):

   "For decades, countries like Canada prospered under what we called
   the rules-based international order. We joined its institutions,
   praised its principles, and benefited from its predictability. We
   could pursue values-based foreign policies under its protection. We
   knew the story of the international rules-based order was partially
   false. That the strongest would exempt themselves when convenient.
   That trade rules were enforced asymmetrically. And that
   international law applied with varying rigour depending on the
   identity of the accused or the victim. This fiction was useful, and
   American hegemony, in particular, helped provide public goods: open
   sea lanes, a stable financial system, collective security, and
   support for frameworks for resolving disputes. So, we placed the
   sign in the window. We participated in the rituals. And largely
   avoided calling out the gaps between rhetoric and reality... Over
   the past two decades, a series of crises in finance, health, energy,
and geopolitics laid bare the risks of extreme global integration." But having offered this autocritique, Carney - formerly a neoliberal central banker for both Canada and the UK - immediately returns to the scene of the crime:

   "Since my government took office, we have cut taxes on incomes,
   capital gains and business investment, we have removed all federal
   barriers to interprovincial trade, and we are fast-tracking a
   trillion dollars of investment in energy, AI, critical minerals, new
   trade corridors, and beyond. We are doubling our defence spending by
   2030 and are doing so in ways that builds our domestic industries.
   We are rapidly diversifying abroad. We have agreed a comprehensive
   strategic partnership with the European Union, including joining
   SAFE, Europe’s defence procurement arrangements.  We have signed
   twelve other trade and security deals on four continents in the last
   six months.  In the past few days, we have concluded new strategic
   partnerships with China and Qatar. We are negotiating free trade
   pacts with India, ASEAN, Thailand, Philippines, Mercosur."

This is a manifesto for an eloquent subimperialism, hoping actually to return straightaway to "extreme global integration." It should be soundly rejected. Along with - typical of subimperialism, whether i the West or BRICS - Canada's support for Israel: https://www.youtube.com/shorts/Sjg8r43vPMc and https://www.cjpme.org/pr_2025_03_10_carney_israel_genocide_gaza



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