* The major documented scandal involving systematic surveillance of leftists, 
Arab-American activists, anti-apartheid organizers, and critics of Israel was 
the *Anti-Defamation League (ADL) scandal of the early 1990s* , not the SPLC. 
ADL investigator Roy Bullock monitored thousands of activists and 
organizations; seized files included material on groups ranging from the ACLU 
and UAW to Mother Jones and ACT UP. Bullock had also worked with the FBI and 
maintained relationships with police intelligence officers. A later lawsuit 
alleged that ADL dossiers were shared with police and the Israeli government; 
the *ADL denied providing information to Israel* , so I would not state that 
particular allegation as fact.
* There *is* , however, solid evidence for criticizing the SPLC's relationship 
with law enforcement. The SPLC operated paid informants inside far-right 
organizations and acknowledged repeatedly passing information obtained from 
those informants to the FBI and other law-enforcement agencies. In fact, this 
cooperation is now part of the SPLC's defense : it argues that the informant 
program helped the FBI prevent violence and prosecute white supremacists.
* The Trump Justice Department's present case is *not simply a prosecution for 
supplying information about the right to the FBI*. The April 2026 indictment 
alleges that the SPLC deceived donors and banks and concealed millions of 
dollars in payments to informants through fictitious entities. Those are 
allegations, not proven facts, and the SPLC has pleaded not guilty. On August 
12, former SPLC official Heidi Beirich was separately charged with wire-fraud 
conspiracy, false statements, and money-laundering conspiracy connected to that 
program; she denies wrongdoing and says the prosecution is politically 
motivated.
* Morris Dees's departure is also better described carefully. He was laid off 
in 2019 amid allegations of sexual harassment and longstanding complaints about 
racial and gender discrimination inside the SPLC, alongside older criticism of 
its enormous fundraising operation and accumulation of reserves. Calling these 
matters simply “corruption” goes beyond what was actually established.

Therefore, the stronger left argument is to condemn Trump's prosecution and 
avoid whitewashing the SPLC. A government may selectively prosecute an 
organization for political reasons while that organization itself has engaged 
in practices the left should criticize.

The principle I'd emphasize is that *private liberal organizations should not 
become auxiliary intelligence agencies for the FBI simply because the people 
being surveilled are fascists or reactionaries.* Once political surveillance, 
infiltration, and information-sharing with the security state become legitimate 
tools against one's enemies, there is no principled barrier to using the same 
apparatus against labor organizers, antiwar activists, Palestine solidarity 
groups, or socialists. The history of the FBI makes that danger anything but 
hypothetical.

So I'd separate the cases: *cite the ADL when discussing historical 
surveillance of the left and Israel critics, and cite the SPLC when discussing 
paid infiltration of the far right and cooperation with the FBI.* That makes 
the argument considerably harder to knock down.

And politically: oppose a potentially retaliatory Trump prosecution *without 
turning the SPLC into an honorary member of the socialist movement.* The 
security state doesn't become our friend because today's dossier happens to 
have a fascist's name on it.

--
Tony


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