Abolition and Its Agents What grassroots socialism can tell us about the movement against police and prisons
Anthony P. Teso - I - On the night of June 17, 2020, the Martin Luther King Jr. County Labor Council in Seattle spent hours taking a roll-call vote on whether to expel the Seattle Police Officers Guild. The motion passed, but narrowly: 45,435 weighted votes to 36,760. Firefighters backed the guild, along with machinists, transit operators, and bakers. 1 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n1 ) Jane Hopkins, an executive vice president of SEIU Healthcare 1199NW, argued the other side. A union, she said, could not support a police system that harmed its Black members and then claim to defend those same members. Only two years earlier, the council's own leadership had pushed the city to ratify the guild's contract and, in practice, told reform advocates not to get in the way of the officers' raise. 2 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n2 ) I keep coming back to that meeting. It is one of the few cases I know where working people decided, through their own organizations and their own rules, what their relationship to the police should be. The vote was close enough that plenty of delegates probably went home angry. Most decisions described as abolition happen somewhere else—in council chambers and foundation offices, among people who will never have to face a delegate vote. Draper died in 1990. Critical Resistance, co-founded by Ruth Wilson Gilmore, held its first conference in Berkeley eight years later. So there is no Draper position on this movement, and I am not going to invent one. What I can do is borrow the question he asked of every movement that promised liberation: who, exactly, is doing the liberating? When I applied that question to abolition, I got answers I did not expect. On the police as an institution, abolitionists have Marx on their side. But their answer to the question of who should lead the change is less convincing, because abolitionist work has largely moved through city governments and the nonprofits they fund. Beneath both questions lies a problem rooted in how capitalism works—a problem I can describe but cannot solve. -- II -- Marxists who dismiss police abolition as unrealistic have not read Engels closely enough. He defined the state as a public authority separate from the people, made up not only of armed men but also of prisons and other institutions that enforce its power. 3 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n3 ) Lenin later turned this point into a section title in The State and Revolution. 4 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n4 ) When Marx wrote about the Paris Commune, he started with the army. The Commune's first decree abolished the standing army and replaced it with the armed people. Then came the police: Instead of continuing to be the agent of the Central Government, the police was at once stripped of its political attributes and turned into the responsible and at all times revocable agent of the Commune. 5 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n5 ) The Commune did all of this in its first weeks. In the third volume of Karl Marx's Theory of Revolution , Draper argues that, for Marx and Engels, the "dictatorship of the proletariat" meant working people ruling through institutions like these. Draper says the later idea that the phrase meant rule by a party misread Marx. 6 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n6 ) So when a fellow socialist hears "abolish the police" and replies, "after the revolution," I want to ask, which revolution? The one Marx wrote about did it at the start. The history makes the abolitionist case stronger. In the South, policing developed in part out of slave patrols, and the patrols' power to search people and punish them on the spot survived long after the patrols themselves disappeared. 7 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n7 ) Angela Davis argued in 2003 that prisons had come to look as permanent as slavery once did. Mariame Kaba describes abolition first as something people organize for now and only second as a future destination. 8 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n8 ) Gilmore keeps insisting that abolition is mostly about what we build. Of all the replies to the caricature of "defund," hers is the one I find most useful. 9 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n9 ) I accept the case against the police. Where I disagree is over who is supposed to carry abolition out. --- III --- Minneapolis, June 6, 2020: Mayor Jacob Frey told marchers he would not commit to dismantling the police department, and the crowd booed him. The next day, nine of the thirteen council members—enough to override a veto—stood on a stage at a rally in Powderhorn Park and made the commitment he would not. 10 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n10 ) By November 2021, voters were looking at a charter amendment placed on the ballot by a petition with more than 20,000 signatures. It would have replaced the police department with a Department of Public Safety led by a commissioner nominated by the mayor and appointed by the council, while removing the city's minimum staffing requirement for sworn officers. The measure lost, 56.17 percent to 43.83. 11 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n11 ) Frey won reelection that same day with support from business groups and the Minneapolis Regional Labor Federation. 12 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n12 ) The signature drive was a real example of people acting for themselves. They gathered names through a Minnesota winter and a pandemic. Still, most reviews hurry past that work and move straight to the campaign's messaging. I am more interested in what those organizers were ultimately asking voters to approve. If the measure had passed, the department would have gotten a new name and a new chain of command, leading to the council instead of the mayor's office. Residents of the neighborhoods it patrolled would have had no more power to remove its commissioner than they had over the old chief—which is to say, none. Gilmore described this trap back in 2007. "In the Shadow of the Shadow State" shows how nonprofits take on work the state has abandoned, grow dependent on government contracts and foundation grants, and end up answering to the people who fund them. 13 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n13 ) In "The Two Souls of Socialism," Draper describes two top-down approaches that fit this pattern: one gives improvements to people from above, while the other tries to change the system from inside government administration. 14 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n14 ) Some alternatives really are better than what they replace, and I am glad they exist. A crisis counselor answering a mental health call is safer for everyone than a patrol officer with a gun. But a community worker trying to prevent violence through a city-funded nonprofit still answers to a manager whose budget depends on a council member. The block where she works has no place in that chain of authority. The Commune gives us three tests: officials should be removable at any time, paid a worker's wage, and required to follow the instructions of the people they represent. I have been using these tests on groups within DSA, and they work just as well for public safety. An agency that fails all three is still a separate authority over the public, no matter how humane its mission statement sounds. Gorz's idea of a "non-reformist reform," a phrase Gilmore also uses, points the same way. He meant reforms that move power into organizations workers themselves control. 15 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n15 ) So who would have hired and fired the staff of the Minneapolis department? The mayor and the council. -- IV -- Then there is the Gallup survey. In June and July 2020, while the protests were still going on, Gallup asked more than 36,000 adults whether police should spend more time, the same amount of time, or less time in their area. Among Black respondents, 61 percent said the same amount, 20 percent said more, and 19 percent said less. Even among Black respondents who said police had failed to treat them with courtesy or respect during the previous year, 55 percent still wanted the same police presence or more. 16 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n16 ) Any socialist who takes self-emancipation seriously has to sit with those numbers. The economists make the picture even more uncomfortable. Chalfin, Hansen, Weisburst, and Williams estimate that each additional officer prevents between 0.06 and 0.1 homicides. Per person, the estimated effect for Black victims is twice the effect for white victims. The same study also finds that larger police forces make more arrests for minor offenses and that those arrests fall disproportionately on Black Americans. 17 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n17 ) That result builds on an earlier argument that, when researchers weigh costs against benefits, American cities appear to have too few police. 18 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n18 ) The authors describe Black communities as "simultaneously over- and under-policed." 19 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n19 ) Abolitionists are right that these studies compare more police with fewer police, not policing with a truly different set of institutions. But the homicide estimates do not disappear. I have not found abolitionist research that answers them with equally strong evidence. Seen from the viewpoint of ordinary people, the poll is a problem for a lot of abolitionist rhetoric. It too often claims to speak for heavily policed neighborhoods while brushing aside what residents tell pollsters. But the same poll is also a problem for conservatives. Someone who wants officers nearby but does not trust them to behave courteously has not exactly endorsed policing. She is describing something she depends on, and Section VI is my best attempt to explain how that dependence came to be. - V - The historical record of working people managing their own safety is thinner than I wish it were. In July 1964, a Klan motorcade of about fifty cars, led by a police car, drove through the Black neighborhood of Jonesboro, Louisiana. 20 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n20 ) Local men, most of them working-class veterans, formed the Deacons for Defense and Justice to protect CORE workers and their own families; a Bogalusa chapter followed in 1965. 21 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n21 ) In Minneapolis in August 1938, after a Silver Shirt organizer began calling for a vigilante raid on the Teamsters' hall, Local 544 formed a Union Defense Guard. 22 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n22 ) By the next spring, the Silver Shirts had stopped holding meetings, the guard had stopped functioning as a defense force, and it was being used mostly to keep order at union picnics and Christmas parties. Federal prosecutors still cited it in the 1941 sedition trial of the local's leaders. 23 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n23 ) At Attica in September 1971, the prisoners holding D Yard elected spokespeople, wrote demands, and held out for four days. On September 13, state police and corrections officers retook the yard, fired nearly 2,000 rounds, and killed 29 prisoners and 10 hostages. Earlier in the uprising, prisoners had killed a guard and three other prisoners. 24 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n24 ) In 2018, a collective of incarcerated people called Jailhouse Lawyers Speak organized a national prison strike that ended on September 9, the anniversary of Attica. 25 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n25 ) Du Bois put the general strike of the enslaved at the center of emancipation, and a socialist history of abolition should put episodes like these at the center too. Still, they are fragments. Each faced a specific, organized enemy. None took on the ordinary work of a city year after year: the domestic homicide, the missing child, and the drunk driver. The Minneapolis guard is especially telling. Once the fascists stopped organizing, the guard had nothing left to do. Marx made a bigger claim for the Commune, writing that the streets of Paris were safe "without any police of any kind." 26 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n26 ) I would not lean too hard on that statement. Marx was in London, working from sympathetic reports about a besieged city that lasted only seventy-two days. That still leaves me without an answer for the years between now and the point when ordinary people have strong institutions for governing themselves. I have not found one in my own tradition. "Build working-class organizations" is true, but it does not offer much immediate help to a family whose block saw a shooting last Tuesday. -- VI -- Here is my best explanation for why change through city government keeps stalling—and why people who fear the police may still want them nearby. The argument starts in Capital. In chapter 25, Marx says capitalism keeps producing a group of people who need wages to survive but cannot find steady work because employers do not need them at that moment. In chapter 28, people driven from their land are forced into wage labor through laws, whipping, branding, and punishment for being unemployed or homeless. 27 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n27 ) In Marx's account, this violence helped build the labor market itself. Gilmore's Golden Gulag explains California's prison boom, which began in the early 1980s, as a way to use land, workers, investment money, and government capacity left idle by economic change. 28 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n28 ) Put simply, when people need wages to live but many cannot find steady work, police and prisons help control those left out of the job market. If that is true, these institutions help keep society running as it is, and no budget vote can simply make them disappear. The United States ran this experiment after 1865. Chattel slavery ended, and Black Codes, vagrancy statutes, and convict leasing appeared almost at once, resting constitutionally on the Thirteenth Amendment's exception for punishment of crime. 29 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n29 ) Freedpeople without land were pushed back into dependence on planters, mostly through criminal law. Marx had written that labor in a white skin cannot emancipate itself where labor in a black skin is branded. 30 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n30 ) In the postwar South, the courts renewed the brand after the property title was gone. I do not like where this argument leads. If getting rid of the police as a separate power over the public requires ending the large group of people shut out of steady work, then it also requires ending a system in which people must sell their labor to survive. Kaba and others might reasonably ask whether this is just an elaborate way of saying "wait," and some Marxists do use it that way. I draw the opposite conclusion: building now matters more, not less, and it has to be concrete. That means unions willing to expel police guilds, tenant unions, prisoner organizations, neighborhood groups whose leaders can be removed, and other places where people learn to govern their own affairs. What I cannot accept is calling a council budget amendment abolition. --- VII --- The socialist tradition that rejected both Western capitalism and Soviet rule grew in part out of watching a revolution build its own police force. The Bolsheviks founded the Cheka in December 1917, only weeks after taking power. 31 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n31 ) State ownership of industry and the label of a workers' state did not shrink the government's armed force. It grew, and the prison camps followed. The group around Shachtman, including Draper, concluded that changing ownership from above through a party claiming to act for workers could coexist with greater repression—and might even require it. A Minneapolis charter amendment is nothing like the Cheka, and I am not saying it is. My point is narrower. When a party, a council majority, or a foundation takes control of public safety for people who never gave it permission, it replaces their judgment with its own. Draper criticized the same political habit in his writing on small, isolated political groups. 32 ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#n32 ) So let me end where I began, in Seattle. About 45 percent of the weighted vote went to keeping the police guild, with ballots cast for firefighters, bus drivers, and bakers. Those workers are not anyone's enemy. Neither are the people who told Gallup they wanted police nearby. An abolition movement that bypasses them through the city council gets the question of who should lead the change wrong. A movement that wants to persuade them still owes them an answer to the Tuesday question from Section V. I do not have that answer yet. ----- Notes ----- * Doug Trumm, "MLK County Labor Council Expels Seattle Police Guild as Contract Showdown Looms," The Urbanist , June 18, 2020; "King County's Largest Labor Organization Votes to Expel Seattle Police Officers Guild," MyNorthwest , June 18, 2020. ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r1 ) * David Kroman, "King County Labor Council Expels Seattle Police Union," Crosscut , June 2020, https://www.cascadepbs.org/news/2020/06/king-county-labor-council-expels-seattle-police-union/. ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r2 ) * Frederick Engels, The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State , chap. 9, in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works , vol. 26 (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1990). ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r3 ) * V. I. Lenin, The State and Revolution , chap. 1, sec. 2, "Special Bodies of Armed Men, Prisons, etc." ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r4 ) * Karl Marx, The Civil War in France , in Marx and Engels, Collected Works , vol. 22 (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1986), 331. ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r5 ) * Hal Draper, Karl Marx's Theory of Revolution , vol. 3, The "Dictatorship of the Proletariat" (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1986). ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r6 ) * Sally E. Hadden, Slave Patrols: Law and Violence in Virginia and the Carolinas (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001). ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r7 ) * Angela Y. Davis, Are Prisons Obsolete? (New York: Seven Stories Press, 2003), 22–39; Mariame Kaba, We Do This 'Til We Free Us: Abolitionist Organizing and Transforming Justice , ed. Tamara K. Nopper (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2021). ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r8 ) * Rachel Kushner, "Is Prison Necessary? Ruth Wilson Gilmore Might Change Your Mind," New York Times Magazine , April 17, 2019; Ruth Wilson Gilmore, Abolition Geography: Essays Towards Liberation (London: Verso, 2022). The "presence, not absence" formulation is widely attributed to Gilmore; I have not located its original source and paraphrase it here. ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r9 ) * "Minneapolis City Council Members Announce Intent to 'Dismantle' Police Department," NPR, June 7, 2020. ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r10 ) * City of Minneapolis, "2021 Ballot Questions," election results, November 2, 2021; Color Of Change PAC, "The Movement to Transform Safety and Policing in Minneapolis Continues Beyond the 2021 Local Election," statement, November 2021. ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r11 ) * "Minneapolis Public Safety Question Fails in Defeat for Progressives," Minnesota Reformer , November 2, 2021. ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r12 ) * Ruth Wilson Gilmore, "In the Shadow of the Shadow State," in INCITE! Women of Color Against Violence, ed., The Revolution Will Not Be Funded: Beyond the Non-Profit Industrial Complex (Cambridge, MA: South End Press, 2007). ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r13 ) * Hal Draper, "The Two Souls of Socialism," New Politics 5, no. 1 (Winter 1966): 57–84, sec. 9, "Six Strains of Socialism-From-Above." ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r14 ) * André Gorz, Strategy for Labor: A Radical Proposal , trans. Martin A. Nicolaus and Victoria Ortiz (Boston: Beacon Press, 1967). ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r15 ) * Gallup, "Black Americans Want Police to Retain Local Presence," August 5, 2020. Gallup Panel web survey of 36,463 US adults fielded June 23–July 6, 2020. ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r16 ) * Aaron Chalfin, Benjamin Hansen, Emily K. Weisburst, and Morgan C. Williams Jr., "Police Force Size and Civilian Race," American Economic Review: Insights 4, no. 2 (2022): 139–58. ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r17 ) * Aaron Chalfin and Justin McCrary, "Are U.S. Cities Underpoliced? Theory and Evidence," Review of Economics and Statistics 100, no. 1 (2018): 167–86. ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r18 ) * Aaron Chalfin, Benjamin Hansen, Emily K. Weisburst, and Morgan C. Williams Jr., "Police Force Size and Civilian Race," NBER Working Paper 28202 (Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 2020), abstract. ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r19 ) * LSU Cold Case Project, "Deacons for Defense & Justice," Manship School of Mass Communication, Louisiana State University, https://lsucoldcaseproject.com/?p=2917. ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r20 ) * Lance Hill, The Deacons for Defense: Armed Resistance and the Civil Rights Movement (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004). ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r21 ) * Farrell Dobbs, Teamster Politics (New York: Monad Press, 1975). ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r22 ) * Albert Goldman, summation for the defense, United States v. Dunne et al. , Minneapolis, November 1941, Encyclopedia of Trotskyism On-Line, Marxists Internet Archive. ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r23 ) * Heather Ann Thompson, Blood in the Water: The Attica Prison Uprising of 1971 and Its Legacy (New York: Pantheon, 2016); New York State Archives, "Timeline of Events of the Attica Prison Uprising of 1971 and Subsequent Legal Actions." ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r24 ) * Jailhouse Lawyers Speak, "National Prison Strike," press release, April 24, 2018, reprinted in San Francisco Bay View , July 2018. ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r25 ) * Marx, The Civil War in France , pt. 3. ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r26 ) * Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy , vol. 1, trans. Ben Fowkes (London: Penguin, 1976), chap. 25, sec. 4; chap. 28. ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r27 ) * Ruth Wilson Gilmore, Golden Gulag: Prisons, Surplus, Crisis, and Opposition in Globalizing California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007). ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r28 ) * Douglas A. Blackmon, Slavery by Another Name: The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II (New York: Doubleday, 2008). ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r29 ) * Marx, Capital , vol. 1, chap. 10, sec. 7. ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r30 ) * George Leggett, The Cheka: Lenin's Political Police (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981). ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r31 ) * Hal Draper, "Anatomy of the Micro-Sect" (1973), Marxists Internet Archive. ↩ ( https://2752d8a2-53d5-4331-8fd8-bb5c13f53567.frame.claudeusercontent.com/_f/1789493406-8193/#r32 ) -- Tony -=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=- Groups.io Links: You receive all messages sent to this group. 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