http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/08/12/AR2010081206521_pf.html
The FCC and the bandwidth wars

By Steven Pearlstein
Friday, August 13, 2010; A10

As a general rule, whenever you hear special-interest groups using 
near-hysterical language to 
warn that some proposal will destroy jobs, snuff out innovation
and end free-market capitalism as we know it, you can generally assume that 
progress is being 
made.

So it is with the controversies swirling around Internet regulation.

A few months back, when Federal Communications Commission Chairman Julius 
Genachowski
proposed
 classifying broadband as a "telecommunications service" for purposes of 
defining the scope of 
possible regulation, you'd think from the reaction of the
industry and its defenders on Capitol Hill that he was proposing a Soviet-style 
takeover of the 
Internet.

Never mind that broadband is, by any common-sense definition, a 
telecommunication service that 
includes telephone and television offerings that the FCC
has been regulating for decades, plus access to this thing called the Internet 
that was hardly 
contemplated by the authors of the
Communications Act of 1934.

And never mind that the chairman, a former venture capitalist with a deep 
entrepreneurial 
streak, explicitly rejected the kind of heavy-handed price and
service regulation that industry critics nonetheless conjured up in a doomsday 
scenario 
envisioning a market drained of innovation and investment.

Then this week it was the ayatollahs of "net neutrality" who worked themselves 
up into a 
self-righteous lather over
a compromise proposal
 from once-bitter foes Google and Verizon. Much of the criticism focused on a 
provision of the 
proposal that would let broadband operators set aside a portion
of their networks for premium services to consumers or businesses willing to 
pay extra --  
metaphorically, a toll lane on the information highway.

In rejecting the Google-Verizon compromise, net-neutrality zealots predicted 
that the open, 
democratic first-come, first-served Internet would give way
to one auctioned off to the highest bidders, whose privileged content would 
flow quickly and 
reliably while everyone else's would have to fight the stop-and-go
traffic in the slow lanes.

These critics seem to have skipped over the part of the Google-Verizon proposal 
that explicitly 
prohibits "paid prioritization" of Internet content, at
least for wired connections. Also the part that would require that companies 
offering new 
premium services do so only if they can maintain the quality
of service on the open, public Internet.

They also seem to have forgotten that various forms of tiered service have been 
part of the 
telecommunications landscape ever since the days of the old
"party line," and that phone companies for years operated "private networks" 
for big 
corporations that ran alongside their public networks. Even today,
as part of most broadband offerings, higher-priced television service gets 
priority over 
Internet access, which is why phone calls and TV shows don't get
interrupted in the same way as a download from YouTube.

The point here is that the debate over Internet regulation has long since 
morphed from a 
reasoned policy discussion to something akin to religious warfare.
Crusaders for net neutrality are determined to stop abuses that don't exist, 
while cable 
companies and phone companies are equally determined to preserve
their God-given right to manage their networks in ways they now say they have 
no intention of 
doing, or offer services sometime in the future that they
can't yet identify.

Precisely because this is a fight more about principles than about the real 
world, Genachowski 
is likely to be foiled in his
effort to broker
 a consensus. At this point, it's not even clear that the public interest can 
be found in a 
compromise among these warring special interests. The better
course is to take the bull by the horns, push forward with a reasonable and 
effective policy, 
defend it vigorously in Congress and the courts, and let
the chips fall where they may.

Such a policy should start from the premise that some government regulation is 
necessary because 
broadband has become vital to nearly every household and
business, no less so than electricity and phone service in the past. Unlike 
those services, 
which were once considered natural monopolies, broadband has
developed into a natural oligopoly, with a handful of large competitors 
providing enough 
competition to justify light-touch regulation but not enough to
justify no regulation at all.

The promise of the Internet -- what we might call the public Internet -- is 
that it allows 
anyone who is on it to send any type of content to anyone else
at any time. As it did with earlier generations of "common carriers," the 
government should set 
minimum service standards for speed, reliability and equal
access, including a "neutrality" requirement that traffic be managed on a 
first-come, 
first-served basis. Beyond the minimum standards, companies should
be free to offer different tiers of service at different prices while managing 
their networks as 
they see fit, as long as prices and practices are clearly
disclosed.

Beyond that basic Internet service, companies should be free to use any spare 
capacity in their 
lines and networks to offer additional private services,
including priority lanes for themselves or other businesses to offer enhanced 
services such as 
movie downloads, health monitoring, home security and the
like. To ensure that companies don't concentrate their investment in 
more-lucrative private 
services while letting the public Internet stagnate and degrade,
the government should set a reasonable cap on the percentage of any network 
dedicated to private 
services.

If the FCC were to promulgate such rules, of course, it would immediately be 
criticized by 
members of Congress for going too far, or not far enough, or
simply for exceeding its authority. To accommodate that political reality, 
Genachowski should 
make the new rules effective Jan. 1, 2012, giving his congressional
critics enough time to update the telecommunications statute and legislate 
their own Internet 
rules. If they don't, they'll be hard pressed to criticize
the FCC for showing leadership where they could not.

Ray T. Mahorney
WA4WGA

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