NET LOSSES

By James Surowiecki
The New Yorker Magazine

Issue of 2006-03-20
Posted 2006-03-13

http://www.newyorker.com/talk/content/articles/060320ta_talk_surowiecki


In the first decades of the twentieth century, as a national telephone 
network spread across the United States, A.T. & T. adopted a policy of 
“tiered access” for businesses. Companies that paid an extra fee got better 
service: their customers’ calls went through immediately, were rarely 
disconnected, and sounded crystal-clear. Those who didn’t pony up had a 
harder time making calls out, and people calling them sometimes got an “all 
circuits busy” response. Over time, customers gravitated toward the 
higher-tier companies and away from the ones that were more difficult to 
reach. In effect, A.T. & T.’s policy turned it into a corporate kingmaker.

If you’ve never heard about this bit of business history, there’s a good 
reason: it never happened. Instead, A.T. & T. had to abide by a “common 
carriage” rule: it provided the same quality of service to all, and could 
not favor one customer over another. But, while “tiered access” never 
influenced the spread of the telephone network, it is becoming a major 
issue in the evolution of the Internet. Until recently, companies that 
provided Internet access followed a de-facto commoncarriage rule, usually 
called “network neutrality,” which meant that all Web sites got equal 
treatment. Network neutrality was considered so fundamental to the success 
of the Net that Michael Powell, when he was chairman of the F.C.C., 
described it as one of the basic rules of “Internet freedom.” In the past 
few months, though, companies like A.T. & T. and BellSouth have been trying 
to scuttle it. In the future, Web sites that pay extra to providers could 
receive what BellSouth recently called “special treatment,” and those that 
don’t could end up in the slow lane. One day, BellSouth customers may find 
that, say, NBC.com loads a lot faster than YouTube.com, and that the sites 
BellSouth favors just seem to run more smoothly. Tiered access will turn 
the providers into Internet gatekeepers.

The logic of the tiered-access approach is simple: broadband companies do 
the work of providing Internet access, so they should be able to charge 
what they can for it. Telecom executives say that the revenue from tiered 
access would let them invest more in adding bandwidth and improving 
download speeds, and argue that Web sites are parasites taking, as A.T. & 
T.’s chairman, Edward E. Whitacre, Jr., put it, a “free ride” on the pipes 
the broadband companies own. But these companies have pipes into people’s 
homes in the first place only because of a long history of government 
regulation, and people want to use those pipes only because of all the 
value the so-called parasites have created. And it’s that value which 
tiered access—even if it does improve the Internet’s infrastructure—will 
put in harm’s way. The Internet has become a remarkable fount of economic 
and social innovation largely because it’s been an archetypal level playing 
field, on which even sites with little or no money behind them—blogs, say, 
or Wikipedia—can become influential. If the Internet turns into a zone of 
tiered access, it will be harder for noncommercial sites or startup 
companies to compete with bigger firms.

Broadband providers insist that they have no plans to block access or 
degrade service to those who don’t pay a premium rate. But if some 
companies are getting better service, then all the others are getting worse 
service. Besides, there have already been examples of active 
discrimination. Last year, a rural telecom company in North Carolina 
blocked its users’ access to the Internet-based phone service Vonage, and 
in Canada the telecom company Telus blocked access to a Web site supporting 
the telecommunications workers’ union. Market forces will offer some check 
to this kind of interference—if a particular provider goes too far, 
customers will take their business elsewhere—but, in the world of 
broadband, market forces are weak, because most cities have only two major 
providers. More than ninety per cent of Americans get Internet service from 
either their local phone company or their local cable company, and A.T. & 
T.’s newly announced acquisition of BellSouth means that there will soon be 
only three major phone companies in the entire U.S.

Ultimately, Internet providers hope to manage the Internet the way a 
supermarket owner manages his store, charging companies “slotting fees” in 
exchange for better shelf space, or the way bookstores charge publishers 
extra in order to have books placed on tables at the front of the store. Up 
to this point, the Internet has been operated more or less like a public 
utility. All bits of data have been treated similarly, just as the highway 
system doesn’t allow trucks from some companies to go faster than others, 
and the electrical grid does not deliver reliable power to some customers 
and erratic service to others. We could write this principle into law, as a 
new bill sponsored by Ron Wyden, a Democratic senator from Oregon, 
proposes. But the bill’s chances of success are slim at best. Increasingly, 
it seems likely that the Net will end up looking less like the highway 
system and more like a collection of Safeways.

A collection of Safeways is not a terrible thing—supermarkets in the U.S. 
do a good job of delivering food that people want, at a reasonable cost—but 
it’s hardly what we’ve come to expect of the Internet. Decisions that once 
were made collectively by hundreds of millions of Internet users would now 
be shaped in large part by a handful of telecom executives. It used to be 
said that the Internet was all about “disintermediation.” With the end of 
network neutrality, the middlemen are striking back.



================================
George Antunes, Political Science Dept
University of Houston; Houston, TX 77204
Voice: 713-743-3923  Fax: 713-743-3927
antunes at uh dot edu



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