Here is another part of the story

http://www.pantagraph.com/articles/2007/09/09/news/doc46e4ca0a8d606780997
663.txt

CHICAGO — The differences between liberals and conservatives may run
deeper than how they feel about welfare reform or the progress of the
Iraq war: Researchers reported Sunday that their brains may actually work
differently.

In a study likely to raise the hackles of some conservatives,
psychologist David Amodio and others found that a specific region of the
brain’s cortex is more sensitive in people who consider themselves
liberals than in self-declared conservatives.

The brain region in question helps people shift gears when their usual
response would be inappropriate, supporting the notion that liberals are
more flexible in their thinking.

“Say you drive home from work the same way every day, but one day there’s
a detour and you need to override your autopilot,’’ said Amodio, a
professor at New York University. “Most people function just fine. But
there’s a little variability in how sensitive people are to the cue that
they need to change their current course.’’

That “cue’’ is processed in a part of the brain know as the anterior
cingulate cortex, and Amodio was able to monitor its electrical activity
by hooking his subjects up to electroencephalographs (EEGs) while they
performed laboratory tests.

The work grew out of decades of previous research suggesting that
political orientation is linked to certain personality traits or styles
of thinking. A review of that research published in 2003 found that
conservatives tend to be more rigid and closed-minded, less tolerant of
ambiguity and less open to new experiences.

Some of the traits associated with right-wingers in that review were
decidedly unflattering, including fear, aggression, tolerance of
inequality, and lack of complexity in their thinking. That — along with
the fact that it lumped Ronald Reagan and other political conservatives
in with Adolf Hitler — evoked outrage from conservative pundits. The
editors of The New Atlantis magazine called the study “a powerful example
of the misuse of science and the arrogance of expertise.’’ Other critics
noted angrily that taxpayers footed the bill for the research through
$1.2 million in federal grants.

John Jost, an author of both the review and the current study, was
prompted to defend the research in an op-ed piece published in the
Washington Post.

“It’s wrong to conclude that our results provide only bad news for
conservatives,’’ he wrote on Aug. 28, 2003. “True, we find some support
for the traditional ‘rigidity-of-the-right’ hypothesis, but it is also
true that liberals could be characterized on the basis of our overall
profile as relatively disorganized, indecisive and perhaps overly drawn
to ambiguity.’’

In the current study, Amodio and his colleagues recruited 43 college
students for a simple experiment. The subjects reported their political
attitudes confidentially on a scale from -5 (extremely liberal) to +5
(extremely conservative). Then they completed a computer test called
“Go/No-Go’’ while an EEG measured their brain activity.

Subjects were told to press a button (‘’Go’’) each time the computer
flashed the letter M, but not when a W was displayed. Each
stimulus-response set had to be completed within half a second.

Amodio said the “Go’’ stimulus came up 400 out of 500 times, so “they’re
sitting there getting in the habit of pressing this button. But 20
percent of the time, the ‘No Go’ stimulus comes up — it’s unexpected —
and they’re supposed to do nothing. We can see how accurate people are at
withholding the habitual response.’’

Subjects who rated themselves more liberal had higher scores for
accuracy, Amodio said. But, more importantly, they also showed stronger
electrical activity when the “No Go’’ cues were presented, indicating
that more neurons were firing.

Linda Skitka, a professor of psychology at the University of Illinois at
Chicago, said it’s possible Amodio’s liberals appeared more flexible than
his conservatives because the population was skewed.

“We’re not a very liberal country,’’ she said. “We’re more likely to find
extreme conservatives in the U.S. than extreme liberals.’’

Skitka said there’s ample evidence ideologues on the far left can also be
uptight.

“Extreme conservatives could be really rigid,’’ she said. “Moderates
should be pretty flexible. But if we go all the way to the left, they may
look a lot like the extreme right — rigid in their ideas.’’

Another researcher in the field, Philip Tetlock of the University of
California-Berkeley, found just that in a 1984 study of British
parliamentarians.

Analyzing confidential interviews with 89 members of the House of
Commons, Tetlock found that moderate socialists were most likely to
interpret policy issues in complex or multidimensional terms, followed
closely by moderate conservatives. Extremists on both the right and the
left tended to rely on a few broad principles, reject inconsistent
evidence and have little tolerance for alternative views.

In an interview last week, Tetlock said he would be cautious about
drawing conclusions from neurological studies like Amodio’s. Using that
kind of evidence, he said, “it’s hard to distinguish between someone
who’s rigid and someone who’s principled.’’

For example, he said, “Take (President) Bush and Iraq: Is that rigid, or
is it principled? The psychological data won’t resolve that. It’s a
political value judgment that hinges on the extent to which we share his
priorities.’’

Nevertheless, Tetlock called Amodio’s research “important.’’

“It’s important to learn how political belief systems operate — whether
there are different underlying processes at work,’’ he said. “It may have
implications for the relative likelihood that liberals and conservatives
would make different kinds of errors in decision-making situations.’’

And what does that mean?

“For a conservative, the worst mistake is to abandon a good policy
prematurely,’’ he explained. “Liberals think the worst mistake is to
stick with a bad policy too long.’’


Mark Pollock, associate professor of communication at Loyola University,
said the Amodio study “provides scientific evidence for conclusions
people (studying political rhetoric) have reached previously.’’

Such as?

“A higher tolerance of ambiguity and complexity is typical of people who
are liberal,’’ he said. “That’s not a surprise. It does, however, suggest
there may be a hereditary and neurological basis for that. It also might
suggest there’s less likelihood of people shifting their political
ideology if it’s hard-wired in there.’’

Pollock saw another benefit to Amodio’s findings: If political attitudes
are tied to neurophysiology, he said, “it would make bashing
conservatives — or liberals — pointless. It’s not as if people are making
a choice to see the world this way or that way. It’s how they’re built.’’
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