[Jos]> I can't see anything online from which you could have derived such an 
[positive]> opinion [of Strauss]?
Leo Strauss 101 EDWARD FESER An enormous amount of nonsense has been written 
about Leo Strauss over the last several years. Liberal journalists who appear 
never to have read a word of the long-dead philosopher’s work assure us that 
the war in Iraq is a practical application of his ideas. Tim Robbins’s anti-war 
play Embedded portrays Strauss as a sinister ideologue who promoted deception 
of the masses as a means of fostering a militant nationalism. Nor has the 
nonsense all come from the political left. Conservative writer Daniel Flynn 
suggests, in his book Intellectual Morons, that Straussian methods of textual 
analysis may have led the Defense Department into a faulty reading of pre-war 
intelligence vis-à-vis Saddam’s purported WMD stockpiles. Yale professor Steven 
Smith’s book is intended, in part, to dispel such myths, and provides a sober 
and lucid overview of Strauss’s thinking about matters of philosophy, politics, 
and religion, albeit from Smith’s interpretive point of view. 
His emphasis is on Strauss’s defense of liberal democracy as a solution to what 
he called the “theologico-political problem”; in Smith’s telling, Strauss’s 
defense rests on a kind of philosophical skepticism. Smith is clearly 
sympathetic to Strauss’s views as he understands them; he succeeds in his 
attempt to show that those views bear little resemblance to the caricatures now 
in circulation, and are worthy of the serious consideration of liberals and 
conservatives alike. Unfortunately, in his desire to distance Strauss from 
Bush-administration policy in particular and neoconservatism in general, he 
sometimes overstates his case. More significantly, he fails to consider some 
potential difficulties facing the Straussian worldview as he has interpreted 
it. Still, his take on Strauss is instructive, and if he doesn’t answer all the 
important questions he at least raises them. In this, Smith is very Straussian 
indeed. Strauss understood philosophy as concerned with the “permanent probl
ems” — traditional questions about the nature and grounds of justice, the 
existence of God, and so forth — that are “permanent” because, it is alleged, 
no settled answers to these questions are possible. In Strauss’s view, the 
thinker who decisively chooses one set of answers over the others has ceased to 
be a philosopher and become a “sectarian.” But if philosophy is concerned with 
constant questioning and discussing, rather than with providing solutions or 
upholding hallowed dogmas, it poses a potential threat to traditional 
societies. Hence the “theologico-political problem,” the inevitable conflict 
between philosophy and divine revelation, reason and faith, “Athens and 
Jerusalem.” On Smith’s interpretation of Strauss, liberal democracy provides 
the best solution to this problem, or at least (as Churchill would have put it) 
the worst except for all the others. Its tendency to foster toleration and 
open-mindedness recommends it to the philosopher as the sort of regime most 
conduc
ive to his way of life, and its allowance for private religious discrimination 
in exchange for neutrality between religions in the public sphere makes it 
possible for traditional believers to practice their ancient ways as they see 
fit without threatening the liberty of non-believers to choose to do otherwise. 
And yet liberal democracies have dogmas of their own, especially egalitarian 
ones. They also tend to cater to the lowest tastes and impulses, so that while 
they value science and technology for the consumer goods they provide, 
democracies make high culture and higher moral sensibilities difficult to 
maintain. This in turn threatens the stability and longevity of the democratic 
regime itself. For these reasons Strauss believed that a true friend of 
democracy ought never to be its “flatterer.” The philosopher ought, in his 
view, to uphold the older ideal of democracy as a “universal aristocracy,” in 
the face of the vulgar “mass democracy” that has displaced it. This requires de
fending and practicing liberal education as a means of inculcating an 
understanding and respect for the permanent problems, and thereby producing an 
elite fit to govern on the basis of wisdom and merit rather than birth. It also 
requires a certain degree of caution, since — given the inherently elitist 
character of liberal education — the philosopher is bound to find himself at 
odds to some extent even with a democratic regime. Here is where critics of 
Strauss and his followers often accuse them of advocating a resort to the 
“noble lie,” and in particular of a false populism that cynically caters in 
public to fundamentalist religious believers whose faith Straussians privately 
reject, as a way of upholding public order and traditional morality. But, as 
Smith notes, this accusation is misconceived on two counts. First of all, while 
Strauss was not himself an orthodox believer, neither was he a convinced 
atheist. Since whether or not to accept a purported divine revelation is itself 
one of the “permanent” questions, orthodoxy must always remain an option 
equally as defensible as unbelief. Second, what Strauss was in favor of was 
neither lying nor the active promotion of any particular doctrine, but rather 
mere tact, silence, or — at worst — obfuscation where one’s teaching might seem 
to threaten the unsophisticated but decent opinions of the people who make up 
the bulk of society. This alleged predilection for the “noble lie” is something 
Strauss is supposed to have inherited from Plato, and, in general, Strauss 
regarded his political philosophy as Platonic in character. Here another 
controversial aspect of Strauss’s work comes into play, namely his 
idiosyncratic interpretations of many of the great thinkers of the past. Plato 
is often regarded as having proposed, at least as an instructive ideal, a 
“utopian” society that can only be described as totalitarian, but, as Smith 
tells us, Strauss considered this merely an ironic warning against the dangers 
of utopi
an thinking. Strauss also showed little interest in Plato’s famous “Theory of 
Forms,” the idea that there are timeless and objective essences of things, 
existing in a realm apart from either the human mind or the material world, and 
knowledge of which is the goal of philosophical inquiry. This view is typically 
regarded as the paradigm of a philosophy committed to the existence of 
objective truth, and it has had an enormous impact on the history of Western 
thought, and indeed Western civilization in general. Yet Strauss was dismissive 
of it, regarding it as a “fantastic” and “utterly incredible” doctrine. Plato’s 
real concern, in Strauss’s view, was similar to his own: not contemplation of 
the Forms but rather the activity of contemplation itself, the asking of the 
permanent questions rather than the answering of them. Strauss’s glib dismissal 
of the Forms was oddly reminiscent of the scientism or positivism whose 
stranglehold over modern intellectual life he was wont to criticize.
 Furthermore, Strauss’s insistence that the genuine philosopher must be 
skeptical about the possibility of finding solutions to philosophical problems 
risks providing aid and comfort to the relativism he believed posed the 
greatest threat to modern liberal democracies. To be sure, to say that we 
cannot discover objective answers doesn’t entail that they don’t exist, but 
this is a distinction that is bound to be lost on the average non-philosopher, 
for whom the view that no answers are possible sounds little different from the 
view that every answer is as good as every other. These are issues Smith would 
have done well to explore. Smith is also unconvincing, and occasionally unfair, 
when attempting to divorce Strauss’s thought from recent neoconservative 
policy. He tells us that he does “not regard Strauss as a conservative (neo- or 
otherwise) but rather as a friend of liberal democracy” — as if being 
conservative (neo- or otherwise) excluded being in favor of liberal democracy, 
and
 indeed, as if neoconservatives were not frequently accused of being too eager 
to spread liberal democracy around the globe! He informs us that Strauss was a 
staunch Zionist, resisted internationalism of the sort enshrined in the U.N., 
and was critical of liberalism’s lack of self-confidence in the face of Soviet 
Communism. Smith even finds echoes of this failure of self-confidence in the 
“self-doubt, if not self-contempt” evinced by many liberal intellectuals in 
response to the rise of Islamism. Yet after all this, he peremptorily asserts 
that Strauss’s writings imply a critique of the war in Iraq. Smith’s 
justification for this claim is that Strauss would have been skeptical of the 
utopianism inherent in pro-war rhetoric about bringing an “end to evil”; for 
evil, Strauss would have insisted, cannot be entirely eliminated in this life. 
But surely such political boilerplate must be distinguished from actual policy. 
To my knowledge, the Bush administration hasn’t proposed an invasio
n of Hell. And its willingness to ally the United States with the likes of 
Pakistan and Saudi Arabia surely proves that the idealism, however heartfelt, 
has indeed been tempered by an understanding of geopolitical reality. One would 
think a student of Strauss, of all people, would know how to read between the 
lines, and understand that stirring rhetoric is part of the job description of 
the statesman. Mr. Feser’s most recent book is The Philosophy of Mind: A Short 
Introduction. 
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