Ken Stewart argues:
>I have only been in
>Minneapolis since 1992 and don't have a clear idea of what went on before
but
>since arriving here I have not felt that there was corruption in city or
>county government
>Before we change campaign finance laws, let's have a good reason to do so.
>Are R. T. Ryback and others charging that there has been wrongdoing? Who
has
>done wrongly and what were the circumstances? Is there evidence of
probative
>value?
>Or, is this a debate around the issue of searching for material with which
to
>attack incumbents?
Ken raises some good points, but I think he misses some.
Speaking as a reporter, proving corruption isn't always the point. What it
comes down to, on some level, is letting the public decide what's going on
by providing information.
Is it important during a debate on protecting cab owners from greater
competition to know how much was given to this mayor or that council member?
I'd say yes. Does it mean their vote was bought, or that the taxi-cab owner
is rewarding said official for a previously held position? Dunno; you could
win a Pulitzer proving that. But I'd rather have you know the facts and
decide what the relationship means.
Downtown developers hold fundraisers or bundle contributions from
like-minded business people. Does it influence policy? Unless you believe it
absolutely doesn't - and Ken, is that what you're arguing? - I think we
should err on the side of getting the information out there.
I don't know how much it takes to be bought. I do know money seems to
influence every facet of modern American life, so should we assume that
politics is the one area that emerges unscathed?
Look, in one election cycle, a single donor can give $600 to a council
member and $800 to a mayor. Maybe that only earns a thank-you note, or an
open door, or more. Because of the $100 limit, you don't know anything about
financial pals for the first three years and two months of a four-year term.
That's the big reason we need "sorta instant" disclosure is so voters can
make informed decisions in real time. Especially before endorsing
conventions (and overlooked facet of the law), primaries, and general
elections. A flurry of money in the last month of the campaign can make a
difference, but you don't know in time because (sorry Tim Bonham) we don't
want to stress out campaign treasurers? Tough beans! If nothing else, full
public disclosure -- information BEFORE voters cast ballots - is vital.
I do think the technology allows this. Hennepin County just spent $3 million
on a hi-tech voting system. I believe, a la Scott McGerik, that we can spend
a sliver of that and get fast, accurate, easy-to-compile contribution data.
(I just ran a charity banquet on Saturday and had over 200 names and some
address data in our financial and mailing databases by today...and I do work
for a living!)
I realize Ken is arguing that we can read too much into campaign
disclosures, but to me, it sounds suspiciously like "don't confuse me with
the facts." I trust the public, to make better decisions when information is
available compared to the absence of information.
Maybe the Pohlad or MEA contribution means nothing, but it may well mean
something. If not "corruption," then "who their friends are." I know when
making judgments about people in civilian life it helps to know who they
like - it helps me triangulate. I believe the candidate should answer any
contibution questions before, not after the voters decide. And they should
especially have to answer the question SOMETIME, not hiding behind limits
that can shield up to $400 each election cycle (by giving at the $100
reporting limit).
Campaign finance is not the most important issue this election, but it's an
important issue every election, and it's one the candidates have power to
affect WHILE they're candidates. If it's all RT proposes, he shouldn't be
elected. If he can make it part of a broader citizen-empowerment agenda, I'd
say he's off to a good start.
David Brauer
King Field - Ward 10
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