...'During the 1988 Jackson campaign, for example, wherever African Americans extensively mobilized their communities to participate in the political process, white voters were more likely to express their anti-black bigotry at the polls, thus negating any tangible gains black might have achieved. An analysis of 22 Democratic Party presidential primaries and caucuses by Amihai Glazer documented this backlash phenomenon. A state-by-state analysis showed that the greater the percentage of black voters in a state, the less likely it was for whites to vote for Jackson. In Vermont, where less than 1% of the electorate is African American, Jackson recorded over 35% of the vote. In Ohio, where 12% of the registered Democratic voters are black, Jackson received 17% of whites' votes. In New York, where the Democratic electorate is 14% black, the white vote for Jackson fell to 14%. And in New Jersey, where 20% of the Democratic voters are black, the white vote for Jackson dropped off to 13%.

What can explain this frustrating pattern? By the late 1980's, political scientist James Jennings noted, white voters, especially in major urban areas may have felt 'surrounded by increasing numbers of blacks.' When African American 'demands do not question the foundation of power and if the system is elastic enough to provide minimally satisfactory responses to actual and potential black insurgents,' Jennings argued, racial tension be reduced. However, when blacks collectively mobilize through the democratic process with the objective of achieving structural change, vigorous white opposition develops. "ultimately, despite a group's liberal or conservative tendencies, the more powerful must ensure that these groups without access to power to not present threats to social, economic, or political arrangements that may disrupt the hierarchy of power. Systemic restriction are placed on urban political activism the points to social change.

The Great Well of Democracy - Manning Marble

Break the cycle.

Anonymous

North Minneapolis



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