The differences and similarities between "free" markets and government are far more 
complex than either Mark Anderson or Victoria Heller assert.

Firstly, "free" markets have tremendous coercive power.  Capitalized interests make 
decisions with tremendous real-life consequences for non-capitalized interests.  How 
"free" am I when I live in Flint, MI, and GM destroys my town?  What does "freedom" 
even mean in such a circumstance?  I am not "free" to continue living as I would like, 
I am simply "free" to "choose" where I will relocate, and which lower-paying service 
job I will take.

Similarly, the market exerts great force over consumption behavior.  Advertising 
works, or corporations would not spend hundreds of billions on it a year.  Despite the 
lack of a gun to one's head, the shaping of individual behavior to meet a certain norm 
is textbook coercion.

These are rather broad examples, and it's necessary to underscore the importance of 
individual agency - one can turn off the TV, for example, or disconnect oneself from 
the market economy almost entirely to avoid working for others.  This discussion, 
however, has erred on the other side, overemphasizing agency and underemphasizing the 
coercive systems of the market.  We need to keep in mind that there is a balance, that 
the market is neither "free" nor does it dictate all action within it.

Secondly, Mark and Vicki ignore the vital links between government and the market.  A 
"free" market CANNOT exist without coercive government intervention, most importantly 
the enforcement of contracts.  States without a government-enforced legal system 
cannot attract capital, and without agreements to honor another State's laws, trade 
ceases to occur.  Hell, every American corporation is legally acknowledged by an 
American state.  They are inseparable.

This nexus is, in my opinion, the most important aspect of this debate, as it is the 
most dangerous.  The worst abuses of both government AND markets occur when they 
collude, and the coercive powers of government and capital join in common purpose.  
For an example, see Central America, 1820-present.  Or late 1990s Minneapolis.  This 
is where Vicki and I agree.

Interestingly, the only course of action to prevent the above, if one supports a 
market economy of one kind or another (or if one has accepted that market economies 
never really go away), is to work diligently within government to make it a 
counterbalance to capital, rather than a supportive force.

On another topic, Victoria writes:

"Minneapolis perpetuates its one-party political steamroller by putting DFL activists 
on the payroll through the NRP and funding its 81 neighborhood mini-councils."

Kinda makes me wonder why the city keeps funding the Seward neighborhood, since the 
past two chairs (correct title?) have run for office not with the DFL but with 
Minneapolis' only viable opposition party, the Greens.

Keep swingin' Vick.



Robin Garwood
SE Como


P.S.  Milton Friedman and Co. (along with the politicians they swayed, Dems and 
Repubs) will be remembered as fondly as Herbert Hoover.
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