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A big roll at Mohegan Sun
Casino boom benefits non-Indians
 Non-Indian investors have reaped Mohegan Sun profits.
(Globe Staff Photo / Bill Greene)
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By Sean Murphy, Globe Staff, and Adam Piore, Globe Correspondent, 12/10/00
First of four partsONTVILLE, Conn. -
It rises out of the rolling hills with the promise of grandeur, its massive 
glass towers designed to loom 440 feet over the reflected countryside, an 
instant landmark, a beacon to a palace built for gamblers.At a cost of $1.1 
billion, this expansion of the Mohegan Sun Casino is one of the country's 
largest private construction projects, a steel testament to the extravagant 
profits in the rapidly expanding Indian gaming industry.But it also stands as 
a monument to a classic American deal, a latter-day version of Indian 
treasure being carried off by non-Indians, despite a federal law designed to 
keep Indian gaming money firmly in tribal hands.When Congress approved the 
Indian Gaming Regulatory Act in 1988, it was determined to spur development 
on blighted reservations by exempting tribes from widespread prohibitions on 
gambling. President Reagan, for one, exhorted tribes to provide more of ''the 
cost of their self-government'' and ''reduce their dependence'' on federal 
funding, a policy his administration backed up by eagerly providing aid to 
tribal bingo enterprises.Leery of non-Indian investors turning tribal casinos 
into their personal cash cows, Congress created a new agency to ensure 
outsider managers get no more than 40 percent of net casino revenues, and for 
only seven years.But the investors behind the Mohegan tribe found a way to 
receive at least $430 million above those limits, due in part to an apparent 
regulatory ambiguity and a sympathetic federal official. In all, the investor 
group headed by Sol Kerzner,cq developer of the Sun City Casino in South 
Africa, will take at least $800 million out of the Mohegan Sun Casino.The 
Mohegans were almost penniless and landless and relying on lawyers apparently 
financed by the Kerzner group when they struck the deal that cost them so 
dearly. Since then, the terms of the deal have largely been kept quiet by the 
Mohegans and the investors. At least two of the three members of the 
regulatory agency responsible for reviewing the finances of Indian casinos 
only learned of the lucrative hotel component when contacted by the Globe.The 
heavy share of profits being carted off by non-Indian businesses like 
Kerzner's is only one failure of the federal Indian gaming system. Born 
partly of a desire to apply the '80s faith in free enterprise to the nation's 
poorest ethnic group, the story of Indian gaming is now one of congressional 
intentions gone awry.

The gaming act has failed to broadly improve the living conditions of most 
Indians. A Globe analysis revealed that just 2 percent of the country's 
Native Americans earn 50 percent of the country's $10 billion in Indian 
gaming revenues, and two-thirds of Indians get nothing at all.

The act has bred widespread skepticism about Indian tribes' motives and, in 
many cases, authenticity. The gaming successes of Indian casinos in 
Connecticut, California, and New York - where combined revenues are already 
over $4 billion annually - has prompted a dizzying number of groups to step 
forward as new ''tribes,'' including one group that the Bureau of Indian 
Affairs says has submitted altered documents creating Indian ancestors and 
two tribes with only one adult member each.

The fight for the right to build casinos has ignited virulent disputes 
between eastern tribes and local townspeople, and, in other cases, between 
the tribes themselves. In one instance, a Connecticut tribe has accused 
another of stealing its entire family tree.

The explosion in Indian gaming casinos, already allegedly infiltrated in some 
places by underworld figures, is occurring with little government oversight. 
The commission responsible for policing more than 241 Indian gaming 
operations has a budget of only $8 million and a staff of 70. By contrast, 
the commission supervising the 12 Atlantic City casinos spends $58 million 
and employs a comparative army of 800 regulators.

While hundreds of millions of Indian dollars are being spent on lobbying and 
campaign contributions in states where gaming is prime - including more than 
$100 million in California alone - tribes have witnessed per capita 
government spending on Indian health, education, and housing drop in real 
dollars, while human service spending for all Americans has soared. 

Buffeted by political attacks, buried in paperwork, beleaguered by legal 
maneuvers, the Bureau of Indian Affairs finally threw in the towel earlier 
this year, saying the process for authenticating new tribes should be taken 
out of its hands.''The stakes these days are just much, much higher than they 
were when the process originated back in the 1970s and 1980s,'' declared the 
bureau director, Kevin Gover, himself a Pawnee Indian. ''I, too, am concerned 
about the effect of money on the process.''Kay Davis, a Chippewa who worked 
at the Bureau of Indian Affairs, put it this way: ''Before Indian gaming, it 
was a very nice little process. People would come in and bring their stuff. 
We could sit down and talk to them. We didn't have all the big lawyers, the 
big backers. And we made good decisions.

''Fertile riches in the EastThe fertile plains for the latest Indian hunt are 
not in the Dakotas or anywhere else in the West: They are in the midst of 
three small, rural towns in eastern Connecticut, colonial settlements of 
clapboard that happen to be equidistant between Boston and New York. For that 
reason above all others, eastern Connecticut has proven to be the most 
lucrative gambling site outside Las Vegas and Atlantic City.Mohegan Sun was 
the second casino to grow out of these wooded hills, after Foxwoods stunned 
the entertainment industry by quickly becoming the world's largest and most 
profitable casino soon after its opening in 1992. But Foxwoods was something 
of an anomaly, the product of a special congressional act recognizing the 
Mashantucket Pequot tribe - a 1983 measure intended to help the state of 
Connecticut settle an old land claim.Mohegan Sun, by contrast, was the fruit 
of the gambling system established by Congress in 1988. A small band of 
Indian descendants who first sought federal recognition in 1978 to receive 
federal health and education benefits, the Mohegans' fight for tribal status 
blossomed into a cause worthy of $9 million in backing only after the advent 
of Indian gaming in 1988.Kerzner and two other businessmen spent freely for 
lawyers and other professionals to negotiate the tribe through a labyrinth of 
federal and state regulations, Mohegan leaders say. Buoyed by the infusion of 
cash, the Mohegans won recognition in 1994 and, with it, a veritable license 
to print money. Status as a tribal nation empowered them to open a casino, 
and they moved quickly to capitalize on it.Mohegan Sun, an immense, cavernous 
space somewhat like a theme park crossed with a convention hall, appeared in 
the fall of 1996. Soon, plans were put in place for a 34-story hotel, a 
10,000-seat arena, restaurants, convention center, stores, and, of course, 
more slot machines and gaming tables - lots of them.Within three years, 
Kerzner and his partners got back $90 million plus interest in loans they had 
raised for the casino, financial records show. They also received 40 percent 
of all the net gaming revenues as the casino ''manager'' - about $145 
million. They even got their original $9 million back, according to the 
tribe.But the most lavish payday was yet to come.In structuring the National 
Indian Gaming Act during hearings in 1988, Congress foresaw that non-Indian 
businesses would try to use tribes as fronts for building casinos. Thus the 
law limits any group's share of casino profits to 30 percent - and then only 
for five years. Under special circumstances involving great risk to 
investors, an outside share could go as high as 40 percent for seven 
years.When Kerzner and his partners, a company known as Trading Cove 
Associates, became involved in Mohegan Sun, two of the three members of the 
oversight board, the National Indian Gaming Commission, were firmly opposed: 
They thought Trading Cove, in seeking 40 percent, was getting too fat a 
piece. By then, a casino in Connecticut seemed hardly a risky deal; Foxwoods 
was already operating almost next door, with buses from Boston and New York 
arriving every few minutes.Commission chairman Harold Monteau overrode those 
objections to approve Mohegan Sun.But what members of the commission 
apparently did not realize was that Trading Cove also had a second deal - 
this one more valuable than the first.While commission members were arguing 
about the size of Trading Cove's casino management fees, the Kerzner group 
was in possession of an agreement giving it the sole right to develop and 
manage any hotel at Mohegan Sun for 14 years.In 1998, Trading Cove cashed 
out. Their take: a flat five percent of all money spent at Mohegan Sun, not 
just profits, for every year until 2015, without doing any further work. 
Based on the tribe's estimate, it's worth $675 million to Kernzer and his two 
partners.The remaining years of the management contract - the subject of all 
the commission's wrangling - was worth $245 million, according to federal 
disclosures by the tribe.The largely unnoticed hotel portion of the deal was 
worth $430 million.Combined with the $145 million already paid out on the 
management contract, the Kerzner group will leave the deal with more than 
$800 million.Jana McKeag, one of the two associate commissioners who had 
filed written objections to the management deal, expressed shock at the value 
of the hotel agreement when informed by the Globe last month.''Amazing,'' 
McKeag said. ''This is the first I've ever heard about it.''Former associate 
commissioner Tom Foley also said he never knew of the hotel management 
contract. It was the same for former general counsel Michael Cox.Monteau, who 
resigned in 1996 while facing pressure from senators who criticized his lack 
of oversight, did not return repeated calls to his law office, where he 
specializes in Indian law, including financing for gaming tribes. His 
secretary said he was on ''extended travel.''Mohegan tribal chairman Mark 
Brown defended the casino deal, saying the 1,300-member tribe has done very 
well despite the payouts to Kerzner and the other investors. ''Bottomline: As 
far as we're concerned, we got a great deal,'' said Brown.Leonard Wolman, one 
of Kerzner's partners, said ''All the agreements were properly 
filed.''Wolman, a South African native who has become one of Connecticut's 
leading developers, said he and his Trading Cove partners were ''fairly 
compensated'' for the ''incredible risk'' they took in the deal.
    
An economic opportunityWhen Congress set out to regulate the Indian gaming 
system in 1988, assuring a profit was the least risky part. The architects of 
the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act knew they were giving Native American tribes 
- historically the poorest of minorities, with hundreds of thousands of 
Indians living in arid reservations - the key to a powerful economic 
engine.From the earliest days, businesspeople had sought to build casinos and 
states had sought to prevent them, fueled by concerns ranging from corruption 
to morality to a fear of abetting dangerous addictions.Indian tribes for many 
years had operated bingo and other small-time games of chance in parlors on 
reservations. But in 1987, when California tried to shut down a bingo hall 
run by the Cabazon tribe, the US Supreme Court ruled that the state lacked 
justification to interfere with a sovereign tribal nation governed by 
treaties with the federal government.California was taken aback, but the 
Reagan administration was pleased. Reagan had spent nearly two terms as 
president preaching for market-based solutions to problems traditionally 
addressed by government. Poverty, disease, and lack of education on Indian 
reservations were particularly intractable. The Supreme Court, in ruling for 
the Cabazon tribe, cited Reagan's statements and those of an administration 
official praising gaming as a way to reduce government dependence.Some in 
Congress agreed. Accepting the idea of Indian gaming in principle, most 
recognized the need for guidelines.''I oppose personally gambling in my 
state,'' declared John McCain on the Senate floor. ''I oppose gambling on 
Indian reservations, but when Indian communities are faced with only one 
option for economic development, and that is to set up gambling on their 
reservations, then I cannot disapprove.''Added Senator Pete Dominici, ''I 
hope we really do not look back 10 years from now and say that most of the 
jobs and economic prosperity is coming from gambling.'' Still, he said, jobs 
were needed ''desperately. If they have to resort to gambling, we have 
provided the right framework to do it in a fair and appropriate 
manner.''Fairness, according to Congress, meant allowing tribes to establish 
gambling businesses only in states that already allowed them; if, say, 
Massachusetts allowed dog racing in some places, it could not reasonably 
oppose it on Indian land.But after Congress passed the bill, a court decision 
opened the door much wider than some had intended: Indians, the court 
declared, must be allowed to open Las Vegas-style casinos even in states that 
allowed casino games only for charities, or even for as few as one night per 
year.In the seven-year period after Foxwoods opened, applications from groups 
seeking to become federally recognized tribes jumped to 94, compared to 22 
for the seven previous years.

Sweet revengeFor the ''Western Mohegans,'' a tangled branch of one of the 
original tribes of the East, it was to be sweet revenge: A ''gambling 
palace'' above the ''Hudson River homeland,'' scene of the ''genocide'' of 
tribal ancestors - and conveniently sandwiched between the gambling-starved 
population centers of New York and Albany.When, in 1997, the Western Mohegans 
sent an application for tribal recognition and 600 pages of supporting 
documents to President Clinton, they invoked the poetry of an ancestor, 
speaking of ''the genocidal pressure on our people, the ecocidal pressure on 
our lands and waters, and our defence of American liberty.''The Western 
Mohegan claim joined other applications from non-recognized tribes on the 
crowded shelves of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, where 11 researchers labor 
without any support staff to verify the claims by lawyers and geneaologists 
backed by millions of investor dollars.But even the admittedly overworked 
bureau staff had no problem unraveling the Western Mohegan claim. When the 
bureau compared pages of Indian census documents supplied by the Western 
Mohegans to those in the agency files, it found ''significant alterations'': 
Names were added; family relationships changed; the name of another tribe 
erased and the ''Mohegan tribe New York Hebron'' substituted in its 
place.There were Irish and English ancestors who went unmentioned; names of 
the wives of purported ancestors changed; ancestors from the federally 
recognized Mohegan tribe grafted on.The bureau's official conclusion: The 
''Western Mohegans'' descended from white settlers.As for the poems, ''We 
were able to obtain a copy of the entire book at the Library of Congress,'' 
wrote the federal director of tribal services. ''There is nothing in the 
selections you submitted or the rest of the book which indicates that the 
author was Indian.... In fact, the voice used by the author celebrates the 
ascendency of the non-Indian in the selections you submitted.''Ronald A. 
Roberts, also known as Chief Golden Eagle, of the Western Mohegans, 
acknowledged in an interview some erroneous material was included in its 
application due to oversight. He has vowed to continue fighting for 
recognition.He may have reason to hope, because BIA recommendations don't 
always stick. In the early- to mid-'90s, the agency's professional staff 
found deficiencies in genealogies submitted by three Connecticut tribes and 
recommended against recognizing any of them, but was overruled on each by the 
agency's political appointees. In the case of the Golden Hill Paugussett 
Tribe, a 82-member group intent on building ''the world's largest casino'' in 
Bridgeport, Conn., the professional staff's recommendation had been accepted 
by the former BIA chief over the objections of the Golden Hill's attorney, a 
prominent Indian lawyer/lobbyist named Kevin Gover.Gover by then had already 
attended one of the famous fund-raising coffees hosted by President Clinton 
at the White House, and he would go on to help coordinate the Clinton 
campaign's outreach program to Native Americans.In 1997, Clinton appointed 
Gover to oversee the BIA. Two years later, the BIA took the unprecedented 
step of reopening the Golden Hill case. Gover recused himself, assigning it 
to his deputy, Michael Anderson, another political appointee.A member of the 
BIA staff who worked on the Golden Hill case said investigators could not 
document two full generations connecting the people seeking to build the 
casino to original tribal members. The former staff person, speaking on the 
condition of anonymity, said the staff was pressured by members of Congress, 
who made calls and wrote letters on behalf of the Golden Hill group.Another 
Connecticut tribe seeking recognition, the Schaghticokes, filed suit against 
the Golden Hill tribe, saying it claimed Schaghticoke ancestors in its 
documents. ''They went from 1850 to the early 1700s using all the people on 
our ancestry chart,'' said Richard Velky, chief of the Schaghticokes. 
''They're trying to steal my grandparents and great-grandparents.''Chief 
Aurelius Piper of the Golden Hill Paugusetts called Velky a rival motivated 
by competition for casino revenues.Gover also reversed the recommendations of 
the professional staff for two other would-be casino operators - the Eastern 
Pequots and the Paucatauk Eastern Pequots, backed by Donald Trump. In a memo, 
Gover acknowledged ''the evidentiary gaps in the historical record,'' but 
found it ''very reasonable to infer from existing documentation ... that 
these communities have always been there as organized political and social 
entities.''Gover, through a spokesman, said his decisions on tribes were made 
on the merits, not influenced by other factors. He said the final decisions 
on the Eastern Pequot and Paucatauk tribes will be made after he leaves 
office.David A. Rosow, a Southport, Conn., developer working with the Eastern 
Pequots, said in an interview that he's put together a team of nine lawyers 
and researchers - only two fewer than the entire professional research staff 
of the BIA. Rosow said the entire process may wind up costing him as much as 
$10 million.''It's mind-boggling,'' he said. ''Researchers are expensive. 
Lawyers are expensive. But the poor Eastern Pequots are wonderful people who 
had to find somebody to finance their dreams and goals.''''I'm your basic 
entrepreneur,'' Rosow added. ''I saw an opportunity to do two things: To make 
money over time, and to help a minority that's one of America's smallest 
minorities.''Once he leaves government, Gover says, he will return to 
representing tribes, saying he is exempt from revolving-door statutes because 
of the tribes' status as sovereign nations.He won't have to look far for 
business: Thousands of people are rushing to assert their Native American 
heritage.A would-be tribe in Mississippi recently offered membership kits for 
$99 over the Internet.In Connecticut, the 350 Schaghticokes have added about 
30 new members recently, but rejected another 20 due to forged birth 
certificates, said Paulette Crone-Morange, a tribal leader.''The phone calls 
are constant,'' said Crone-Morange. ''We get hundreds of calls. Hundreds of 
letters. It wasn't cool to be a Schaghticoke 20 years ago. But now we're 
close to the top of the [recognition] list.''Arlinda Locklear, a prominent 
Native American lawyer, testified before Congress that one chief told her of 
receiving 1,400 applications a month for membership in his Cherokee 
tribe.''It's a pretty good indication of how many people want to be Indian 
now,'' she said in an interview. ''I have to think that maybe some of it is 
for tradition, recognition, honor and respect. But I have to believe that 
part of that is the potential of money.

''Next: Among Indians, a rich-poor divide 
    >
    
� <A HREF="http://www.boston.com/globe/search/copyright.htm";>Copyright</A> 2001 Globe 
Newspaper Company 

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